DK HJ Apr 1905

5th September 2026 Janet RayeHellraisers Journal

Saturday April 1, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: Bohn and Simons Debate the Manifesto

Hellraisers Journal: Are Cracks Appearing in Truce between S. P. of A. and Socialist Labor Party?

“““““““““““““““““““““““““““`At the January Conference of Industrial Unionists, in order that the cause of Industrial Unionism should be advanced, a truce was called between the Socialist Labor Party and the Socialist Party of America. Both organizations played their part in Conference, and relations between representatives of the two socialist parties were civil. However, in this month’s issue of the International Socialist Review, we now find a debate on the meaning of the Manifesto between Frank Bohn, organizer for the S. L. P.’s Socialist Trades and Labor Alliance, and A. M. Simons who is the editor of the Review, as well as a member of the S. P. of A. It remains to be seen whether or not the once bitter rivals will be able to co-exist within the same organization.

From the International Socialist Review of April 1905:

Concerning the Chicago Manifesto.
[by Frank Bohn]

Frank Bohn
“““““

THE Manifesto, beside being a call for a Convention, is a general statement of workingclass conditions, of the principles which should underlie industrial organization, and of the ideal by which such an organization should be animated. That men who have been accustomed to viewing the American Labor Movement from different points should place different interpretations upon the text of the Document, is but natural. Organized Labor is undoubtedly in a critical state of evolution. Various elements, hitherto kept apart by fundamental tactical differences, are now given opportunity to work, if possible, in unison.Perfect accord may be unattainable. But the Manifesto does state certain facts. These facts leave to the June Convention not a formulation of principles, but a definite working out of a plan of organization based upon the principles set forth in the Manifesto. If harmony is to characterize the deliberations of the Convention, the nature of these fundamentals should be settled at once by mutual discussion on the part of those favorably disposed to the new movement. In the following remarks I am forced to take a position quite at variance with that outlined in the leading editorial of the February number of this Review. But I believe that I am expressing the opinion of quite a majority of those present at the Chicago Conference.

First, as to the “Timeliness” of the proposed movement. Regarding this feature the editorial in question contains the following statement:

The one question then is, is the present the proper time for such a change to come? If it is not, then this organization will be a thing born out of due time, a cause of disorder, confusion and injury.

This question of “Timeliness” requires a double answer:(1) The members of the Chicago Conference quite unanimously held that a Socialist political movement, unsupported by an industrial, classconscious union, is doomed to a hopeless chasing of rainbows. Hence, whenever and wherever the time is ripe for a Socialist movement, it cannot be unripe for industrial unionism.

(2) On the economic field, apart from the Socialist political movement, all that the Editor can mean by putting the question of “Timeliness,” is whether economic conditions are ripe for a bona fide Working Class organization instead of a bogus, craft-divided, Capitalist-owned machine. Certain features of the European Working Class movement may suggest an answer to this phase of the question.

The Socialists of Germany, over thirty years ago, “smashed” the “pure and simple” organization promoted by Schulze-Delitsch, because those organizations were founded upon crookedness and ignorance. Was not this classic bit of “Union-wrecking” timely? But the industry of Germany a generation ago was conducted almost solely by petty capitalist concerns; and the German Working Class had at that time no experience in organization.

Russia is still in an extremely backward industrial condition. Yet when her officials came to the United States with the purpose of studying the perfect methods here developed by the “Labor Leaders” for keeping the workers in subjection and ignorance; and when those officials returned to Russia and proceeded to make use of the newly-learned methods in preference to those developed by their own Autocracy, shall we question the “Timeliness” of our Russian comrades’ opposition to “pure and simpledom?”

George Estes, Secretary
Conference of Industrial Unionists
“““““

In connection with these observations, those interested should not fail to read George Estes’ article in the February number of The Voice of Labor entitled, “The Wolf Has Shown His Teeth.” In it the writer shows to what brutal, horrible lengths the A. F. of L. bosses and grafters are going in their frenzied efforts to destroy the A. L. U. (and, we might add, all industrial unions). No wonder the article contains the most drastic indictment of the A. F. of L. ever penned. “Of course,” says Estes, “such utterly disreputable methods as these are so degraded in character that a Zulu, an inhabitant of the Fiji Islands or even a cannibal of the South Sea, would scorn to employ them. The wolf has shown his teeth.” [Surely there are enough American Capitalist Cannibals feasting on the life blood of little children, that we need not make any comparisons to peoples of other continents!]If in Estes’ mind there is any doubt as to whether this is the proper occasion to attack the A. F. of L., it does not appear at first reading of this article.

A generation after the publication of the Communist Manifesto the A. F. of L. was launched by fakirs and ignoramuses and dedicated to the proposition that slavery should endure forever. When, in the early 90’s, a class-conscious Socialist movement had developed it found itself face to face with its most deadly enemy, the Capitalist A. F. of L. To carry the warfare into the camp of this sneaking opponent, and at the same time to train the workers for self-government under Socialism, the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance was organized in 1895.

The teeth of the wolf were then sharper than those which are now sinking into the flesh of the A. L. U. in the West. But no one who then under stood the movement questioned the “Timeliness” of attacking the beast with every weapon in the armory of the class-conscious forces. The so-called “Good-Times” of 1897-1902, made the struggle intensely bitter. By juggling figures the A. F. of L. attempted to prove that it was “raising the wages of the working- class.” All but the staunchest opponents chose the “easier road to Socialism.” Or, to use Hagerty’s newly-coined expression, the “pure and simple political Socialist” movement was launched. And so matters hung for some time. But now the stench of rotting “pure and simpledom” is driving its cleaner adherents to Socialism and industrial unionism.

For a Socialist to attack the leaders of the A. F. of L. and then partially excuse the system of which they are the natural fruitage, is exactly as reasonable as for him to attack the leaders of the Republican and Democratic Parties and then hastily make amends to the organizations themselves. Are Gompers and Mitchell “worse” than the Boot and Shoe Workers’ Union, one of the “constituent organizations” which was organized by the great capitalists for the purpose of beating down at once the small capitalists and the workers? It really does seem peculiar to so often hear it scientifically explained that Dick Croker and J. Edward O’Sullivan Addicks are but the natural product of capitalist politics, and then listen to the same person say, probably in all sincerity, that if the “clique” which rules the A. F. of L., were only dynamited, all would be lovely in the labor unions.

The A. F. of L, considered from the point of view of the workers’ interests, is a patchwork of hypocrisy and lies. Such it always has been. And such it will be until destroyed, root and branch, by an outraged rank and file. That the workers put no faith in the fallacy that a few “leaders” are responsible is shown by the desertion of hundreds of thousands who refuse longer to have anything to do with the old thing. (See Manifesto, from Alpha to Omega).

Nor is the transformation from such a negation of all rectitude as is the A. F. of L., to the principles of organization laid down by the Manifesto so easy as at first blush it may appear. As to “boring from within,” the editorial in question declares not only that this method should be pursued, but also that “the place for a man is within the union of his craft.” How different from this has been the position of those who, all along, have favored industrial unionism.

If “the place for a man is within the union of his craft,” we wonder what would happen to the United Brotherhood of Railway Employes, the United Brotherhood of Builders, or any others who wish, through working class organizations, to save themselves from the tar-barrel of craftism. The Manifesto expressly provides that workers who may rebel against the “unions of their craft” may be seated in the June Convention as individuals. For, undoubtedly, many who cannot be represented by delegates, will prefer fighting the wolf from the outside to being swallowed up with the questionable purpose of directing the brute’s movements from the in side.

Furthermore, we are told that “the trade union that connects itself with the new organization need not in any way alter internal organization and management.” The editorial had previously pointed out that the A. F. of L. “official clique,” through “highly paid organizers,” made it a business “to organize trade-unionists into rings and factions for the purpose of maintaining the rule of the leaders.” Now the Manifesto declares that, in the new organization, “All power should rest in the collective membership.” Does this not suggest some little alteration as to “internal management?”

Then as to reorganization—the change from craftism to the class-conscious industrial principle so boldly proclaimed by the Manifesto—does this not mean a right-about-face as to the whole nature and purpose of organization? We think it does. The class-conscious spirit is not had for the asking. Its possession on the part of the workers of this country within the next ten years means that all the means of education we can bring to bear must be added to the primal force of present economic conditions.

Finally, no false impression should be created by that sentence of the Manifesto, which, perhaps more than any other, was deemed essential to the success of the new movement:

It should be established as the economic organization of the Working Class, without affiliation with any political party.

As regards this crucial matter, the Conference provided against possible misinterpretation of the sentence quoted, in other and equally significant articles:

(1) Craft divisions foster political ignorance among the workers, thus dividing their class at the ballot-box, as well as in the shop, mine and factory.(2) It (the present economic organization) is blind to the possibility of establishing an industrial democracy, wherein there shall be no wage-slavery, but where the workers shall own the tools which they operate and the products of which they alone enjoy.

Every industrial unionist who thoroughly understands the deeper mission of his organization, will reach class-conscious political action. An industrial union cannot increase the average wage. In some cases it may be less likely than the craft unions (labor-trusts), to prevent the decrease of wages. Its mighty mission results from the fact that it prepares the way to the Socialist Republic, the final goal of any honest Working Class movement. And this way cannot be traveled without the possession of political power.Many industrial unionists may oppose Socialism through mere ignorance. But most political “Socialists” who fight industrial unionism are about as deeply imbued with Socialism as was Judas Iscariot with Christianity. Socialist to the core must the new economic organization be, or the storm of the class-struggle will beat up another wreck on the rocks of “time-serving diplomacy.” And when the June Convention has painted the skull and crossbones on the door of “pure and simpledom,” that last Working Class compromise with Capitalism, there will probably issue a political organization strong in numbers, but stronger in principle, because [it will be] raised by the revolutionary spirit high above “mere vote-getting subterfuge.”
Frank Bohn,
Organizer Socialist Trades and Labor Alliance.

[Paragraph breaks and photographs added.]

A. M. Simons Responds to Bohn:

A Reply.

THERE are some things in the preceding article by Comrade Bohn which require immediate notice. Others will be covered in a later article which I have in preparation for the press on the general subject of industrial unionism, and still others are covered by the editorial in this number. In the first place it should be thoroughly understood that neither Comrade Bohn nor myself speak for anybody but ourselves, at least so far as the industrial union conference or the Socialist Party is concerned. I do not know to how great a degree he directly represents De Leon and the S. L. P. and S. T. and L. A. As is pointed out editorially the statement that “the Socialists of Germany over thirty years ago smashed the pure and simple organization promoted by Schulze-Delitzsch” is absolutely untrue.These unions were never smashed but are still going on and growing in strength, although very much slower than the Socialist unions. He makes a sweeping statement concerning the A. F. of L.: “A generation after the publication of the Communist Manifesto the A. F. of L. was launched by fakirs and ignoramuses and dedicated to the proposition that slavery should endure forever. When, in the early 90’s a class-conscious Socialist movement had developed it found itself face to face with its most deadly enemy, the Capitalist A. F. of L.” Such talk as this is pure bosh and utterly unworthy of a man who has shown himself capable of the scholarly work that Comrade Bohn has done in some of his writings.

The fact of the thing is that nowhere is Socialism growing faster than within the unions connected with the A. F. of L. If this were not true then the industrial union would have stood little chance of success. To compare the leaders of the A. F. of L. to the leaders of the Democratic and Republican parties is also mere vituperative gymnastics. A man who goes into a pure and simple union goes in because economic conditions have forced him to do so. He goes in because he thinks he is fighting his boss and in a great majority of cases he is doing so, the existence of labor fakirs notwithstanding. The capitalist political party organization is formed to carry out certain purposes of the capitalist class in a wholly different field.

Some misunderstanding was possible with regard to my statement that there need be little change in the internal management of unions affiliated with the new organization. Yet even here there is no such transformation as Comrade Bohn talks about. Very many of the pure and simple unions provide for the initiative referendum and certainly are more nearly controlled by their membership than the S. T. and L. A. Again, if it is true that the new union is to be less powerful on the economic field than the pure and simple unions but is simply to constitute a new Socialist political party jabbering a lot of jargon about general strikes and installing its officers as rulers of the cooperative commonwealth, then it is doomed to a short and sickening life.
A. M. Simons.

[Paragraph breaks and photograph added.]

—————SOURCE

International Socialist Review of April 1905

The International Socialist Review, Volume 5
-Algie Martin Simons, Charles H. Kerr
Charles H. Kerr & Company, July 1904 – June 1905
https://books.google.com/…
ISR of April 1905
http://books.google.com/…
Concerning the Chicago Manifesto.” by Frank Bohn
http://books.google.com/…
“A Reply” from A. M. Simons
http://books.google.com/…See also:
Debate between Daniel DeLeon and Job Harriman
on “pure and simple” trade unionism.
pdf!http://debs.indstate.edu/…

IMAGES
SLP Button
https://www.marxists.org/…
SPA Button
http://www.marxists.org/…
Frank Bohn
http://en.wikipedia.org/…
George Estes
http://cdnc.ucr.edu/…
AM Simons
http://en.wikipedia.org/…““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Sliver Threads Among the Gol

The Old Toiler’s Message

“Darling I am growing old,”
So the toiler told his wife.
“Father Time the days have tolled
Of my usefulness in life.
Just tonight my master told me
He can’t use me any more.
Oh, my darling, do not scold me,
When the wolf comes to our door.”

CHORUS:
To the scrap heap we are going
When we’re overworked and old
When our weary heads are showing
Silver threads among the gold.

“Darling, I am growing old,”
He once more his wife did tell
“All my labor pow’r I’ve sold
I have nothing more to sell.
Though I’m dying from starvation
I shall shout with all my might
To the coming generation,
I shall shout with all my might.”
-Joe Hill

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Saturday April 8, 1905
Chicago, Illinois – Teamsters Strike in Solidarity with United Garment Workers

Hellraisers Journal: Chicago “Teamsters on Strike; Great Battle Begins.” Unions Stand in Solidarity

International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Charter with AFL

The Teamsters of Chicago have made good their threat to go out on strike in support of the United Garment Workers who have been on strike since last November.From yesterday’s Freeport Journal-Standard
of Illinois:

MORE TEAMSTERS ON STRIKE.
———-
Probable That Number Will Be Increased to 20,000.CHICAGO, April 7.-(Special.)-Two hundred teamsters employed by the mail order firm Montgomery, Ward & Co. struck today in sympathy with the garment workers who have been on strike four months. Many labor leaders believe today’s strike is the beginning of a great contest that may involve twenty thousand drivers.

From yesterday’s Chicago Inter Ocean:

TEAMSTERS ON STRIKE;
GREAT BATTLE BEGINS
———-

Union Drivers Employed by Montgomery Ward & Co.
Stop Work and Both Sides Prepare for
Bitter Struggle for Supremacy.
———-

EXPRESS WAGONS MAY STOP TODAY
———-

Federal Injunction May Be Sought to Prevent
Interference With Delivery of Goods,
While Railroad Companies Show Disposition
to Join Employers in Testing
Strength of Union Haulers.
———-

Promptly at 6 o’clock last night teamsters hauling for the firm of Montgomery Ward & Co. were ordered to cease work by officers of their respective unions. The gage of battle thrown down by the unions was picked up by the firm, and what presages to be one of the most serious conflicts between employers and employes in Chicago was begun.That the leaders of organized labor in Chicago realize the seriousness of the situation was evidenced by a special call sent out last night for a meeting of the officers of all unions in Chicago to be held Sunday afternoon at Bricklayers’ hall, Monroe and Peoria streets.

While the labor leaders were taking this step the employers were not idle. Some of them believe that the time has arrived when a test of strength must be made with the organized teamsters of the city, and the present occasion may furnish that test.

Lays in Coal Supply.Knowing that its coal supply would be shut off, Montgomery Ward & Co. put about 200 tons of coal into its cellars yesterday. The bins were filled to overflowing, and every available space utilized to store away coal. The supply will last for about two weeks by which time other arrangements may be made either to get gas or electric power.

As the railway express companies will be more seriously involved in the conflict than any other employers of teamsters, they took steps yesterday to meet the issue. A meeting of the general agents of the six big express companies and the general managers of the railroads was held in the afternoon in the rooms of the Union League club, and it was decided that they should all act as a unit.

Should any union express driver refuse to deliver goods to the Montgomery Ward company this morning, it will be taken by the express companies to mean a violation of their agreement with the teamsters and every union man will be discharged. The express companies say that in such an event they will make no more contracts with the teamsters.

The express drivers, however, have changed their plan of campaign to some extent, and they will make an effort to deliver goods to the firm this morning as usual. If there are pickets around the house, however, or police in large numbers, the drivers will refuse to deliver their loads on the ground that their lives are in danger. Under any circumstances they will not work under police protection. In this way the teamsters are to leave it to the employers to spread the strike.

Railroads Ready for Fight.That it will spread to other lines of teaming, and perhaps to the railroads, is now the general belief, and the railroad managers are ready to take up the fight. At the meeting in the Union League club rooms yesterday the railroad managers agreed to discharge the first freight handler who would discriminate against any kind of freight received.

The railway express companies take the ground that they are public carriers and cannot afford to refuse to deliver freight without being subject to damages. They are said to have a number of men on hand ready to man their wagons this morning, should it become necessary and they do not propose to shut down their business for an hour if they can help it.

A federal injunction is also hinted at among the agents of the express companies, and it is quite probable that this will be resorted to before the strike is three days old.

President Rickert and Sec Larger of United Garment Workers
“““““

The union leaders aim to confine the strike to Montgomery Ward & Co. for the present, but they admit that it will be almost impossible to do so. Should the express companies carry out their present plan and lock out all their teamsters, that in itself would be enough to spread the fight to all branches of teaming in the city. Most of the goods now being received in South Water street are sent here by express. They are hauled from the freighthouses by members of the Commission Wagon Drivers’ union, and that organization would be compelled to take up the fight against the express companies if the railway express drivers are locked out andNonunion men employed in their places.

Expect Spread of Trouble.Most of the teaming done for Montgomery Ward & Co. is done under contract. The Chicago Team Owners’ association has taken a more lenient view of the strike than the express companies, and it will not insist on the truck drivers delivering goods to the proscribed firm. But the teaming industry is so extensive in its ramifications that it is almost impossible to have a strike in one branch without affecting all, and both the employers and the union leaders expect to see the trouble spread.

An effort to avert the strike was made yesterday morning when the committee, representing the teamsters and the Chicago Federation of Labor, waited on Robert J. Thorne of Montgomery Ward & Co. Mr. Thorne told the committee that he was willing to discuss the question of a sympathetic strike of the teamsters, but that the strike of the garment workers was a closed incident.

Mr. Thorne gave the committee his side of the original strike of the garment workers, which was a direct contradiction of the statements made by the officers of the United Garment Workers. President Dold of the Chicago Federation of Labor asked Mr. Thorne if he was willing to allow any impartial committee to take the two conflicting statements and make a decision on the evidence presented. Mr. Thorne declined to discuss the question of arbitrating the strike of the garment workers in any way, as he said that offer had been made before the strike was called and had been ignored by the union leaders. He declared he did not see the good in taking the subject up at this late date, as his clothing shop had been filled for the past three months. He was willing, he said, and even anxious, to meet the officers of the United Garment Workers in the presence of the teamsters’ committee, as he had a few things to tell those officers that he would like other union men to hear.

Strike Is Ordered.The union committee concluded that as it was in possession of conflicting statements from both sides to the controversy, and as the firm had refused to arbitrate the question of which of the statements was true, there was nothing left but to give the strikers the benefit of the doubt and call the strike.

In a statement issued by Mr. Thorne after the conference he gave the firm’s side of the controversy as follows:

On the 15th day of September the leader of the union, whose name is affixed to the contract, called and demanded that we either stop buying from a New York concern or cease sending work to a local house which was upon their black list. This, not being provided for in the contract, was, of course, refused, whereupon the leader declared that he would call the men out.We at once met this by demanding arbitration, called for by the terms of the contract, and the union men ceased work that night. Now here comes the remarkable facts: The men were absolutely deserted by their leaders, for not one of them ever took the trouble to call at our establishment in an attempt to effect a settlement. Just think of the large number of men, many of them married, happily at work at good wages, well satisfied, being suddenly called from their positions by this labor leader, not only in the middle of winter but during the dull season of business, when hundreds of garment workers were idle, and them being betrayed by this leader in this manner.

The leaders of the United Garment Workers tell a different story of the cause of the trouble from that told by Mr. Thorne. They had a union shop agreement with the firm, and they assert that in violation of that contract the firm hired some nonunion men and kept them at work after numerous complaints had been made.

Claims Agreement Was Violated.

The clothing shop of Montgomery Ward & Co. is but a small item in the general trade of the firm. It employs only about twenty cutters, and sends the garments out to be made up. The union shop contract was made only with the cutters, but it carries with it the understanding that all garments must be made in union shops. The union leaders say that this provision of the contract was being constantly violated by the company, which sent some of its work to nonunion shops to be made up, and that after several attempts had been made to remedy this the strike was called.At the time their strike was called the firm was independent of any association of clothing manufacturers, but joined the Wholesale Tailors’ association later, and is at present connected with that body. So many elements have entered into the strike now that the original issue has been lost sight of.

The trouble really had its inception at a convention of clothiers held last July in Philadelphia. At that convention resolutions were adopted declaring for the open shop throughout the country in the clothing trade and against the use of the union label. The first trouble over this issue occurred in the East, and for a time it was believed that it would not reach Chicago. However, in November the Chicago manufacturers adopted practically the policy of the clothiers’ exchange and declared for the open shop and no agreements with the union.

Trouble Began in November.At first the manufacturers began by sending out their work to nonunion shops, and then they posted notices declaring for the open shop. The workers took up the fight and went out Nov. 19 on strike. About 6,000 persons were involved at the time, a majority of whom were women. The manufacturers claim that many of the strikers returned to work in the first few weeks of the trouble, and that they soon had their shops filled. The union men, on the other hand, contend that few of the strikers deserted, and that the cutters are standing as solidly together today as they were the first week the strike was called.

It is pretty generally conceded, however, that at the present time the shops are fairly well filled with employes, and that, alone, the garment workers could not hope to win their battle. For that reason they have enlisted the sympathy of the teamsters, and it is that phase of the situation that makes it appear so serious to the employers.

In giving his seasons last night for refusing to arbitrate the garment workers’ strike Mr. Thorne said:

I have refused to arbitrate the matter for the following reasons:1. Arbitration is intended to settle live disputes, and not dead ones.

2. Before the strike occurred we suggested arbitration, according to the written promises made in the contract. This was refused by the union.

3. A position with Montgomery Ward & Co. is permanent. We have no moral right to let out nineteen or twenty men, or even a single man, woman, or boy, to make room for a person placed to work by a union. The establishment of this principle would, in my opinion, be worse than a general teamsters’ strike.

4. Any organization that waits nearly three months before arranging for a settlement has been negligent so as to deserve no consideration whatsoever.

5. They are contract breakers.

Ready to Meet Committee.Attorney Martin J. Isaacs, acting for the Wholesale Tailors’ association, said last night that he was ready to meet with any committee of labor men, including the officers of the United Garment Workers, to discuss the situation. Hitherto he has refused to meet the representatives of the strikers.

Mr. Isaacs says he is ready to place the whole situation before a committee and include reporters in the conference or any citizens interested in the controversy. He said that there was a difference, however, between discussing an issue and arbitrating it, and he takes the position that there is nothing to arbitrate, as the strike of garment workers was over months ago so far as the employers are concerned. He also said that the manufacturers were willing to take back as many of the strikers as they had places for at any time, but that under no circumstances would they again make any written agreement with the union.

The written agreement is really at the bottom of the entire issue, according to the labor men, as they say if they give up the principle of collective bargaining they might as well not have any organization at all. They declare they will not return to work as individuals if they have to keep up the fight all summer.

The officers of other unions in the city regard the strike as a direct attack upon organized labor generally, and say if the manufacturers are successful in disrupting the garment workers’ organization some other union will be attacked later. For that reason they say they will center their strength on one or two firms, and if they are successful the others will give up the fight.

[Photographs and emphasis added.]

—————SOURCES

Freeport Journal-Standard
(Freeport, Illinois)
-Apr 7, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The Inter Ocean
(Chicago, Illinois)
-Apr 7, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Charter with AFL
http://teamster.org/…
Women leading Chicago Garment Workers Strike, Inter Ocean, Nov 20, 1904
http://www.newspapers.com/…
President Rickert and Sec Larger of United Garment Workers, Inter Ocean, Dec 11, 1904
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Chicago Garment Workers Strike of 1904-05, Inter Ocean, Nov 29, 1904
http://www.newspapers.com/…

See also:
United Garment Workers Strike of 1904-05
http://www.dailykos.com/…

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Solidarity Forever – Tom Morello, The Nightwatchman

Is there aught we hold in common with the greedy parasite
Who would lash us into serfdom and would crush us with his might
Is there anything left to us but to organize and fight?
For the union makes us strong
-Ralph Chaplin

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Monday April 10, 1905
Chicago, Illinois – Teamster Strike Grows Bitter as Conference Fails “Utterly”

Hellraisers Journal: Patrol Wagons Guard Trucks as Teamsters Strike Grows More Bitter and Talks Fail

From yesterday’s Chicago Daily Tribune:

BOTH SIDES HURL GAGE OF BATTLE.
———-

Conference of Strike Leaders and Employers
at Wellington Hotel Only
Widens the Breach.
———-
TALK IS OF CONTRACTS.
———-
Teamsters Deny Breaking Them and
Refuse to Listen to Any Argument
to the Contrary.
———–

The gage of battle was thrown down last night in the teamsters’ strike. In a conference between the strike leaders and the leading employers of Chicago efforts to reach an understanding of the difficulty failed utterly. Both sides retired from a remarkable meeting in the Wellington hotel more determined than ever to try an ultimate test of strength in the labor difficulty, in which Montgomery Ward & Co. are primarily involved, but which threatens the entire city…..John V. Farwell Jr. headed the committee of employers which met with the union leaders…Fred W. Job, secretary of the Chicago Employers’ association, who was instrumental in calling the conference, Victor W. Sincere and J. H. O’Connell were also in attendance.

The union side was represented by President Charles Dold of the Chicago Federation of Labor and eleven leaders of the teamsters’ unions, including International President C. P. Shea, James B. Barry of the express drivers, John Smyth of the coal teamsters, Joseph Young of the baggage drivers, Jerry McCarthy and Hugh McGee of the truck drivers, T. J. Ryan of the department store drivers, P. W. Rietz, Albert Young of the coal teamsters; M. F. Kelly of the market drivers, and “Steve” Sumner of the milk wagon drivers.

Violation of Contract.The employers took the position that contracts had been violated by teamsters refusing to deliver goods to Montgomery Ward & Co. The question, “What is a contract with a teamsters’ union worth?” was the pivotal topic of discussion.

“We have violated no contracts.” declared President Shea for the teamsters.

“We interpret it differently,” the employers explained.

The employers made no proposition to arbitrate the dispute. In return the union leaders absolutely refused to consider any other matter in the conference.

Embitters the Situation.When the meeting adjourned the general opinion prevailed that the strike situation had been imbittered…

Gives Labor’s View of Case.President T. A. Rickert of the United Garment Workers of America gave out a statment representing the position of union labor in regard to the sympathetic strike of the teamsters. He Said:

The teamsters have no grievances in this trouble to be sure, but organized labor has seen fit to create a fund out of which benefits will be paid to the striking teamsters. This is not the garment workers’ fight essentially. It is a struggle of organized labor in Chicago. Never before in the history of the city have all crafts stood so firmly as a unit. The question concerning them all is whether or not 12,000 or 18,000 union garment workers in Chicago will return to the old sweatshop conditions in effect five years ago….

—————

SOURCE
Chicago Daily Tribune
(Chicago, Illinois)
-Apr 9, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
(Also source for image.)
http://www.newspapers.com/…

See also:
Chicago Teamsters Strike of 1905
http://www.dailykos.com/…

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Road I Must Travel – Tom Morello, The Nightwatchman

Well, I climbed the seven summits and I swam the seven seas
But the road I must travel, it’s end I cannot see
Well, I fought in the jungles and I fought in the streets
But the road I must travel, it’s end I cannot see.
-Tom Morello

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Tuesday April 11, 1905
Chicago, Illinois – Josephine Conger Spends a Day in Chicago’s Juvenile Court

Hellraisers Journal: Josephine Conger of Appeal to Reason Spends a Day in Chicago’s Juvenile Court

In the pages of this week’s Appeal to Reason, Josephine Conger offers us heartbreaking vignettes from a day spent in the juvenile court of Chicago. We hear of children given up to orphanages by mothers and fathers who can no longer care for them. One mother makes $7 a week for the support of herself and three children. Another mother “in delicate condition” is forced to part with her six children after being deserted by their father. And so it goes, as one desperate family after another passes through the court of Judge Mack.That was the morning court, where families are parted. In the afternoon, we find the youngest criminals of society dealt with by the same judge. Young girls who have been used by older men for immoral purposes are sent off to reform school. Young boys are warned that they are headed for the gallows should they fail to change their ways.

Josephine Conger seems doubtful that, under the capitalist system, it is possible to enact reforms which are adequate to address the present crisis:

The juvenile court in Chicago is one of the largest in the world. And when one sits all day and hears the cases that are brought before it, there comes a question as to the efficacy of the compulsory educational law, or even the child-labor law, under the present system. Can they, to any appreciable degree, stem the tide of physical, moral and mental insanity that is the inevitable product of capitalism? Thousands of children of Chicago go to school without a mouthful to eat in the morning. Can forced attendance at school make good citizens of them, under such conditions? Still others go hungry and ragged because they are not allowed to earn the nickels and dimes with which to feed and clothe themselves. Thus, under capitalism, almost any reform is, at the last analysis a farce. Even with their laws and their court, thousand of children under lawful age are working, and vast numbers never attend school.

From the Appeal to Reason of April 8, 1905:

Among the Dregs

BY JOSEPHINE CONGER

The Juvenile Court.
———-

Chicago’s Juvenile Court in Session
“““““

“I pray you, what other thing do you, than make thieves and then punish them?”
-Sir Thomas More.
“The city child becomes a criminal because it is the only thing
a boy with spirit can do in a city slum.”
———-

Judge Lindsey in Juvenile Court
“““““

Since the inauguration of juvenile courts in our larger cities as good deal of curiosity has been manifested regarding their purpose, and their methods of dealing with the child delinquent. The reader of the average city daily is probably acquainted with the fact that Judge Lindsey, of the juvenile court of Denver, “the kid’s judge,” as he has been called, has become a figure of national interest because he has “tackled the problem of the small boy.” The significance of this is that the child is one of the great problems of the state. Perhaps THE GREAT problem.And society in its usual feeble way is trying to get at this problem. It has organized a special court where the young criminal may be brought before a judge whose personality is more or less imposing, here to be lectured gently, or harshly, or as a last resort to be sent to a house of correction. Co-operating with the juvenile court in the hope of producing better citizens are the child-labor law, the compulsory educational law, and the fining and imprisonment of parents who criminally neglect the education of their children. These measures are said to have produced a marked increase in the attendance at school where the laws are enforced.

The juvenile court in Chicago is one of the largest in the world. And when one sits all day and hears the cases that are brought before it, there comes a question as to the efficacy of the compulsory educational law, or even the child-labor law, under the present system. Can they, to any appreciable degree, stem the tide of physical, moral and mental insanity that is the inevitable product of capitalism? Thousands of children of Chicago go to school without a mouthful to eat in the morning. Can forced attendance at school make good citizens of them, under such conditions? Still others go hungry and ragged because they are not allowed to earn the nickels and dimes with which to feed and clothe themselves. Thus, under capitalism, almost any reform is, at the last analysis a farce. Even with their laws and their court, thousand of children under lawful age are working, and vast numbers never attend school.

The juvenile court of Chicago is divided into two departments: the first, to which the morning session is given, is for finding homes for children whose parents are unfit, through poverty or otherwise, to care for them. The second is for delinquent children. After observing the proceedings of the first department, it is not difficult to understand why the second should exist-for the first gives an insight into the every-day environment of the unfortunate child, shows to what straits he is reduced, and what small chance he has for developing into a normal, law abiding citizen.

Following are illustrations of cases I witnessed upon various visits to the court room. Judge Mack usually “settles” fifty or sixty of these in a day.

Finding Homes for Unfortunate Children

Judge Julian Mack
“““““

Mother appeals to judge for home for three children. Is working at $7 per week, and cannot support them. Father skipped bond bail and deserted family. Children sent to Jewish Home for Friendless.Mother accused of inability to care for child three years old. Husband declares she is an inebriate and otherwise unfit. Child finally given to mother because of damaging testimony against husband.

Girl 11 years old, working in family. Violation of child-labor law. Child commanded to give time to school and play.

Mother in delicate condition desired home for six children. Family deserted by husband and evicted from their home. Children sent to orphanage.

Home wanted for infant on plea that mother was not proper person to raise it. Testimony developed fact that woman claiming to be the mother had been in penitentiary and in jail, and that she was not mother of the child. One Anna Johnson, working girl, was the mother. Father was husband of defendant. Case held over.

Young widower, workingman, wanted home for two children. Able bodied, respectable, willing to pay for board. Children sent to orphans’ home.

Father desired daughter 10 years old to be placed in orphans’ home, alleging that mother was unfit guardian for her, since she was living with another man. Proceedings proved that father and mother had lived together under common law marriage, because father had insisted upon it. Separation had followed without ceremony, and was succeeded by “common law” marriage with man in question. Child put in girl’s school.

Delinquent Children.Boy ten years old, stealing coal from school house. Mother thought he was picking it up form railroads. Reproved by judge.

Three boys playing truant, remaining away from school for weeks at a time. Old offenders. Sent to Glenwood reform school.

Two leaders of gang of bad boys. Old offenders, sent to Glenwood.

Boy stealing a pair of skates and other things from school house. Reproved and put on good behavior.

Girl sixteen years old, ran away from home and sang in low concert hall. Sent to Geneva, school for incorrigible girls.

Boy eleven years old, gambling for money, sent to Glenwood.

Five children, disturbing the peace and molesting Polish woman. Reproved and put on good behavior.

Girl twelve years old, immoral conduct. Confessions led to arrest of guilty partner, who proved to be a man of mature years. Man charged with violating age-of-consent laws. Girl put in house of correction.

Boy charged with stealing horse and buggy. Out on probation.

Five girls, thirteen, twelve and eleven years respectively, held on charge of immoral conduct. Proceedings proved that girls were beguiled into a den on West Lake street, forced to drink beer, smoke cigarettes and engaged in criminal excesses. “In fourteen years’ experience on Chicago’s West Side,” said an officer, “I have seen much of the abuse of children, but nothing to equal this den. It is the worst in America.” Girls sent to reform schools. Keeper of house arrested.

Fourteen-year-old girl had led sporting life for one year. Sent to House of Good Shepherd.

Boy charged with smoking cigarettes and other misdemeanors. Let go on parole.

Working girl, fifteen years old, immorality. Sent to Geneva.

The details of the majority of these cases were secured by slipping behind the judge’s box, where a policeman gently informed me, late in the afternoon, that I was violating the rules of the court. I apologized-and went back another day, when something was before the court that I wished particularly to get. It was necessary to do this, for, while the proceedings are open to the public, and the court room is always well filled with spectators, the questioning is often carried on in so low a tone that it is impossible to know what it is about unless one is near the judge and the prisoner.

Frequently Judge Mack would say to a delinquent boy: “Do you want to be another Neidemeyer? Well, you are beginning just as Neidemeyer did. And if you don’t stop, you will end just as he did, on the gallows.” The judge has a broad, kindly face, and usually the boys cry and promised to do better.

But Judge Mack knows, and we know, that the chances are against every boy and girl that he sends out of his court room. And the chances are against the millions who are struggling in poverty all over our country. Innocent children, victims of corporate greed.

And they fling him, hour by hour,
Limbs of men to give him power…
And for dainties to devour,
Children’s souls…
Hearts of women cheaply bought:
And he takes them, and he breaks them,
But he gives them scanty thought.

[Paragraph break and photographs added.]

—————

SOURCE
Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas)
-Apr 8, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Josephine Conger
http://blog.livedoor.jp/…
Chicago Juvenile Court in Session, 1905
(see page 44)
https://books.google.com/…
Judge Lindsey’s Juvenile Court in Denver, Colorado
http://kids.britannica.com/…
Judge Julian Mack of Chicago’s Juvenile Court
http://en.wikipedia.org/…

See also:

Lindsey + Hellraisers Journal
(DK search not working this morning.)
https://www.google.com/…

Poems
byWilliam Vaughn Moody
Houghton, Mifflin, 1902
https://books.google.com/…
“The Brute”
https://books.google.com/…

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Turn Around – Harry Belafonte

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Thursday April 13, 1905
From The Indianapolis News: A Letter to the Editor Defends Unionism and Socialism

Hellraisers Journal: “All Honor to Moyer and Haywood, Gompers to the Contrary Not Withstanding.”

Unionism and Socialism by Eugene V Debs, Cover, 1904

“Unionism and Socialism”
A book by Eugene Debs, released last year.
“““““

We at Hellraisers find it interesting that this Indiana newspaper should have titled their attack upon the Western Federation of Miners: “Unionism and Socialism.” As I’m sure our readers are aware, this is the title given to the book which was released last year by Eugene Debs. Be that has it may, a response has been made to that attack in a letter to the editor which The News found fit to publish in its April 7th edition:

Western Miners and Socialism.To the Editor of The News:
Sir-In The News of March 29, under the caption of “Unionism and Socialism,” The News, in commenting on an article written by Mr. Gompers for the American Federationist, in which he condemned President Moyer and Secretary Haywood, of the Western Federation of Miners, it was said that he should be commended for protecting union men in their contributions and for making a stand against socialism. The News ought to know that the Colorado strike was because of the refusal of the mine owners to shorten the hours or advance the scale.

To have been fair The News should have given the miners’ side of the controversy as well as that of the operators…Moyer and Haywood may be socialists and may favor the socialization of the union, but if they do there is nothing antagonistic to unionism in that, because it is well known that the socialists are friendly to all unions… The fight made by the Western Federation of Miners for civil rights was a fight for the fireside of every laboring man in our land. The battle was temporarily lost, but not for aye-it will come again. All honor to Moyer and Haywood, Gompers to the contrary notwithstanding.
A TRUTH-SEEKER. Spencer, Ind., March 30.

(The News has frequently given the details of the Colorado trouble which this correspondent repeats at length, and has expressed sympathy with the miners’ side of the contention. In the article referred to, it expressed no opinion of Messrs. Moyer and Haywood, but told simply what Mr. Gompers said of them. The News’s only expression for itself in the editorial alluded to was that workingmen should oppose socialism, and this it heartily believes.-Editor The News.)

———-[Paragraph break, emphasis and photograph added.]

REPORT FROM THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE ZONE

From Mrs. Langdon of Victor, Colorado, a town within the Cripple Creek Strike Zone, comes news that the Cripple Creek Strike is not over. The Western Federation of Miners has found it necessary to send out a statement declaring the strike still on in order to counter the lies being propagated by the Mine Owners’ Association and the Citizens’ Alliance.We are also pleased to find from this report that Mrs. Langdon has been made an honorary member of the W. F. of M. On having been presented with the emblem of the union, she states:

I value this token of appreciation more than the crown of an empress, nor would the proffer of such tempt me to part with it.

From Mrs. Emma F. Langdon of Victor, Colorado:

THE STRIKE STILL ON.[As regards the Cripple Creek Strike,] I would have been pleased to record the strike at an end, and victory crowning the efforts of the Western Federation of Miners. The strike in the Cripple Creek district still continues. The miners, however, although on strike since August 10, 1903, are not discouraged. As an indication of their determination to continue the strike until victory has been achieved I reproduce the following:

STRIKE IS STILL ON. Headquarters of the Western Federation of Miners.
Denver, Colorado, April 11, 1905.

To all Members of Organized Labor and Those who Desire to Maintain Their Honor:

Charles Moyer
“““““

Big Bill Haywood
“““““

The Mine Owners’ Association of the Cripple Creek District, with its lawless ally, the Citizens’ Alliance, has been sending out fabricated reports to the effect that the strike has been declared off by the Western Federation of Miners. This brazen lie has been hatched and circulated by the same mob that bull-penned and deported miners, that even murdered in cold blood men who refused to yield their allegiance to the principles of the organization of which they were members.The Mine Owners’ Association and the Citizens’ Alliance have discovered that while thugs, gunfighters, rape fiends, outlaws and convicts from the penitentiaries may be of valuable assistance to mine operators, in upholding a reign of terror, yet these debauched and depraved degenerates are practically useless in the production of dividends.

The members of the Mine Owners’ Association and Citizens’ Alliance have had an experience for which they have paid an awful price. The dividends of which they have boasted have been on paper and not in the vaults of the banks. In their desperation they are attempting to deceive through the circulation of a lie, hoping that the old miners will return to the Cripple Creek district and once more become inmates of the mines.

The Western Federation of Miners has not declared the strike off, and never will as long as the mine operators are unfair to organized labor—as long as they continue shipping their ores to the scab mills of Colorado City, and as long as the card or blacklisting system is used to discriminate against members of the Western Federation of Miners.

Hundreds of men have been driven from their homes in the Cripple Creek district, and are still exiles from their wives and children. Many of these men bear the scars that were inflicted by the brutal orders of a Mine Owners’ Association and a Citizens’ Alliance. These men and their wives and children who have borne the insults and outrages of a hired soldiery, would scorn a compromise or a surrender to that ”law and order” combination that reveled in a carnival of brutality, to subjugate and enslave the best blood and brawn in the Cripple Creek district.

Men of honor, of spirit, and of independence, will shun the mines of the Cripple Creek district as they would a pestilence. Men who have any conception of the principles of Unionism will not be used as tools of a Mine Owners’ Association to assassinate justice.

Stay away from the Cripple Creek district, and the time will come when the miner in Colorado’s greatest gold camps can enjoy some of the liberty that is guaranteed to him by the law and the constitution of the state.

Any one who goes to the Cripple Creek district and accepts employment in the mines, will be recognized as a scab by the metal miners throughout the United States and British Columbia.

Whenever the strike is declared off, or a settlement is effected, an official notice will be issued from the headquarters of the Western Federation of Miners.

CHAS. H. MOYER,
President W. F. M.
W. D. HAYWOOD,
Sec’y-Treas. W. F. M.

The emblem of the Western Federation of Miners is three stars which represent education, organization and independence. At the twelfth annual convention held in Denver, I was made an honorary member and presented with the emblem of the order. I value this token of appreciation more than the crown of an empress, nor would the proffer of such tempt me to part with it. I see in the emblem of the three stars all that is sublime. I have seen demonstrated under it the fortitude of the faithful followers of the single star—the Star of Bethlehem—the insignia of Christianity—the birthright of Christ—whose faithful followers, martyred followers, created and maintained the sweet sentiment of “Peace on Earth, Good Will to Man.”When I look upon the three stars of the Western Federation of Miners, with their innumerable rays spreading Education, Organization and Independence, I feel the inspiration that from far above, He, whose mission the single star announced, looks down upon the sublime constellation of three with approval for its representation and sturdy maintenance of His divine given law, “Peace on Earth, Good Will to Man.”

I feel that far above another constellation of stars and stripes, representing human liberty, this land of pioneers, a constellation that has been debauched by tyranny such as the Nero attempted in extinguishing the sentiment of the single star, will again be placed in its true position—representing a brave, happy, pure and justified people by the tribulations of the sturdy followers of the three stars, as was the supremacy of the single star established and the faith of Christianity made permanent by the tribulations of the martyrs of Nero’s despotism. By the emblem of the W. F. M., the three stars, I predict an ultimate victory….

[The leaders of the Western Federation of Miners] are the men whom the Mine Owners’ Association, the Citizens’ Alliance and other enemies of progressive unionism, charge with being anarchists. [These unionist stand] for sturdy manhood and intelligence. Certain it is that for unselfish devotion to the cause and steadfast purpose of uplifting toiling humanity they have never been surpassed.

[These union leaders represent] the inspiration of truth, honesty and justice. We need more such men—more such determination to battle for human liberty.

Someone has said:

God give us men; a time like this demands

Strong minds, great hearts, true faith and ready hands;
Men whom lust of lucre does not kill;

Men whom the spoils of office can not buy;
Men who possess opinions and a will;

Men who have honor; men who will not lie;
Men who can stand before a demagogue

And damn his treacherous flatteries without winking ;
Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog

In public duty, and in private thinking;
For, while the rabble with their thumb-worn creeds,

Their large professions and their little deeds,
Mingle in selfish strife, lo! Freedom weeps.

Wrong rules the land, and waiting justice sleeps.

[Paragraph break and photographs added.]

—————

SOURCES

The Indianapolis News
(Indianapolis, Indiana)
-Apr 7, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The Cripple Creek Strike
A History of Industrial Wars in Colorado, 1903-4-5
-by Emma F Langdon
“Being a Complete and Concise
History of the Efforts of
Organized Capital
to Crush Unionism”
The Great Western Publishing Co.
Denver,Colorado, 1905.
http://www.rebelgraphics.org/…

IMAGES
Unionism and Socialism by Eugene V Debs, Cover, 1904
http://books.google.com/…
Emma F Langdon
http://www.rebelgraphics.org/…
Charles Moyer
http://www.rebelgraphics.org/…
Big Bill Haywood
http://www.rebelgraphics.org/…
Emblem of the Western Federation of Miners
http://www.nps.gov/…

See also:
Garnered Sheaves:
The Complete Poetical Works of J. G. Holland
Scribner, Armstrong & Company, 1873
https://books.google.com/…
“God give us men.”
https://books.google.com/…

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We’re Coming Colorado-John McCutcheon

We are fighting for our rights, boys,
We are fighting for our homes,
Shouting the battle cry of union;
Men have died to win the struggle;
They’ve died to set us free,
Shouting the battle cry of union.

The Union forever, hurrah boys, hurrah!
Down with the gunthugs, and up with the law;
For we’re coming, Colorado, we’re coming all the way,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Union.
-Frank Hayes

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Saturday April 15, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: I. Ladoff on the Revolutionary Russia

Hellraisers Journal: Isador Ladoff on the Revolutionary Movement in Russia “Perish Parasitism!

Saturday April 15, 1905
From the International Socialist Review: I. Ladoff on the Revolutionary Russia

In the pages of this month’s Review, Professor Ladoff offers his views on the Revolutionary Movements in Russia. Remembering the terrible massacre in St. Petersburg this past January, Ladoff begins his article:

The eyes of the civilized world are turned toward Russia.In Russia we witness at present the throbbing of the pulse of history. Russia occupies now the position of France at the inception of the Great Revolution.

For centuries the best sons and daughters of Russia had to look upon freedom and civilization as unattainable dreams.

The iron grip of despotism deadened the soul of the people. Supported by millions of slaves, soiled by the blood of subjugated nations the government of the Czars attained hegemony among nations.

The government of the Czars used its tremendous influence in the interests of Darkness and Strife, Reaction and Militarism.

Ladoff goes on to describe the three main opposition parties of the Russian people: the Social-Democrats, the Socialist Revolutionists, and the party of the middle-class liberals. As can be expected from the author of The Passing of Capitalism: And the Mission of Socialism,

his support lies with the Social-Democrats. Of that party, he states:

The Russian Social-Democratic party possesses the full confidence of the working class and dictates its policy.The Russian Social-Democratic Party stands on the broad principles of International Socialism.

It believes, that the emancipation of the broad masses of the Russian people has to be effected by its advanced guard, the working class.

Ladoff concludes with praise for the struggle of the Russian people:

The Russian people is now determined to get rid of the double yoke of political and economic oppression.The Russian struggle is the world’s struggle.

The Chinese walls that used to divide countries and nations have crumbled into dust and ashes.

There is at present only one nation—the human race. There is at present only one world-struggle, the struggle of the vast majority of the human race, of the toiling masses against a small minority of political and social-economic parasites.

Perish Russian autocracy! Long live the Russian Revolution!

Perish Parasitism! Long live the proletariat of all nations!

From the International Socialist Review of April 1905:

The Revolutionary Movement in Russia.

The eyes of the civilized world are turned toward Russia.In Russia we witness at present the throbbing of the pulse of history. Russia occupies now the position of France at the inception of the Great Revolution.

For centuries the best sons and daughters of Russia had to look upon freedom and civilization as unattainable dreams.

The iron grip of despotism deadened the soul of the people. Supported by millions of slaves, soiled by the blood of subjugated nations the government of the Czars attained hegemony among nations.

The government of the Czars used its tremendous influence in the interests of Darkness and Strife, Reaction and Militarism.

The press was muzzled by a strict and stupid censorship.

Science was chained by barbaric police regulations.

The ancient liberties of Poland, the Baltic provinces and Finland were trampled down with ruthless barbarity and bestial cruelty.

The non-Slavonic, non-orthodox-Greek elements of the population were persecuted with unparalleled severity.

The cries of agony and despair of the victims of the massacre of Kishineff are still fresh in our memory.

The atrocities and crimes perpetrated by the Russian government reached their climax in the now historical massacre on the 9th (22d) of January, 1905 on the streets of St. Petersburg. The long suffering Russian people finally lost their stoic patience and revolted, provoked by the stupid and cruel action of the Czar and his minions.

A peaceful deputation of working men decided to present their grievances directly to their “little father.”

They assured the Czar of their peaceful intentions and prepared four hundred able bodied men to protect his personal safety.

The “little father” heroically retired behind the thick walls of his palace and has sent his Hessians and Janissars to assassinate his “little children” on the streets of the capital. The cowards, who run at the very sight of Japanese soldiers, reddened the snow of St. Petersburg with blood of defenseless citizens, women and children.

The civilized world shuddered when it heard of this unprecedented crime.

The blood of the martyrs of the 22d of January sealed the doom of Russian absolutism.

The plain Russian people in its touching naivete believed in the personal benevolence of the Czar.

The massacre of the 22d of January rudely crushed this belief.

The excommunication of the leader of the peaceful deputation, of Father Gapon, by the Holy Synod, convinced the people that the State church of Russia is but a handmaid of despotism. Events moved rapidly since then.

The vacillating, headless policy of the Czar, made him and his government contemptible and ridiculous.

The conduct of the revolutionary masses gained the admiration of the world.

Who is responsible for the internal and external policy of the Czar?

Who represents the power behind the throne ?

Who represents the opposition forces in Russia?

Where does this opposition come from?

These are the questions that naturally force themselves upon us.

The popular conception is that the Czar of Russia is the sole ruler of the Empire, that his personal will is law. A moment of reflection will convince us that this popular conception is an absurdity.

Indeed, no single man, even if he be a giant, can possibly rule one hundred and seventy millions of people, living under various climatic, economic and cultural conditions, scattered over a vast area of land and belonging to different ethnic groups.

And Nicholas the Second is a physical, mental and moral dwarf.

The actual power behind the throne, the real ruler of Russia, is not the Czar, but the “Chinovniks,” the class of officials, the bureaucracy.

When Peter I, to use Johannes Scherrs’ apt expression, “knouted Russia into Europe” he needed assistants in his tremendous undertaking.

He picked out a few young men of the nobility and has had to send them to Europe to learn how to run the affairs of the State.

After their return, these young men were entrusted with the execution of the plans of the Czar.

According to the tendency of each and every ruling class the bureaucrats increased in numbers and acquired more and more power and influence in the State.

The dense ignorance of the masses, the indifference of the classes and the incapacity of the Czars were rather favorable to the numerical growth of the ruling class and increase of its power.

Despotism and bureaucracy always supplement each other. This way an irresponsible and corrupt ruling class was formed behind the shaky throne of the Czars and the worm-eaten altar of the State-Church.

This class at the same time dictated and executed the internal policy of the empire in the interests of this class.

It was in the interests of that class to inaugurate a policy of adventurous expansion and force a disastrous war in the Far East.

It was in the interests of this class to keep the people in the darkness of ignorance and superstition.

It was in the interests of this class to forcibly Russianise Poland, the Baltic provinces and Finland.

It was in the interests of this class to persecute Poles, Germans, Finns and Jews.

New territories and provinces open new fields of pernicious activity for the ever increasing numbers of hungry and greedy officials.

The same applies to “Russianised” provinces.

A war with Japan was necessary to the bureaucracy of Russia in order to divert the attention of the people from internal affairs. Beside this a war always offers too many chances for building railroads and bridges on paper, furnishing supplies on paper, constructing fleets on paper and other exploits of similar patriotic nature.

The bureaucrats are not afraid of the peasant with medieval ideas.

But the growing middle and working classes consisting of Germans, Poles, Finns and Jews appear to the ruling class as a constant, menace, a memento mori. Hence their persecution by the government.

Let us now analyze the revolutionary elements in Russia.

The disastrous Crimean War convinced the Russian government, that it is necessary to modernize Russia, i. e. build railroads, start factories, etc.

However, in order to build railroads, start and run factories, free labor was a condition sine qua non.

As long as serfdom existed there was no room for the growth and development of a city proletariat.

Serfdom was therefore abolished almost at the same time and for similar reasons as slavery was abolished in the United States of America.

The abolition of Serfdom in Russia was as far reaching in its results in Russia as the abolition of Slavery in the United States.

The quality and quantity of the allotments of land to the liberated serfs were of just such a nature as to be too little to live upon and too much to die of starvation.

A nucleus of a city-proletariat was formed. Railroads could be built, factories operated.

Another far reaching result of the emancipation of the peasant was the creation of a class of intellectual proletarians.

In Western Europe and the United States of America the capitalists and merchants employ the intellectual proletarians in their factories and offices as clerks, business managers, salesmen, draftsmen, captains of industry, etc., etc.

This explains the fact, that the intellectual proletariat of Western Europe and America is rather conservative if not reactionary in his tendencies. He is as yet not conscious of his class-interests as the upper crust of the proletarian masses.

In Russia there were no industrial enterprises worth speaking of, no commerce of any importance.

The Russian intellectual proletariat was not provided even with the crumbs falling from the overladen table of the capitalists, as were their more fortunate brothers in the West.

The Russian intellectual proletariat had nothing to lose in the old regime but its chains and a world to gain in a Free Russia.

Hence the intellectual Russian proletariat was revolutionary by its very nature from its inception.

The antiquated state institutions of Russia were beyond any reform, hence the radical tendencies of the intellectuals prevailed. The ideas and ideals of the Russian intellectual proletariat were those of contemporary Utopian Socialism of Western Europe. The intellectuals felt their own weakness as a class and decided to win the broad masses, of the people, i. e. peasants.

The intellectuals started a “movement into the people,” in order to preach the gospel of brotherly love and cooperation.

It was a strictly non-political, but rather educational movement similar to, although not identical with, the university settlement movement in the United States.

Young men and women of the higher ability went “into the people” to lead a simple, laborious life full of privations, dangers and disappointments in order to do missionary work among the peasants.

The movement “into the people” was one of the most arduous and generous ever recorded on the pages of history.

But, alas, it was the most hopeless, the most barren of results.

The patriarchal village commune, serfdom and czardom closed the mind of the peasant to the ideals of Utopian socialism developed in industrial countries with more or less free political institutions. Serfdom created an abyss between the peasants and other classes in Russia. In their touching simplicity of mind, they looked upon each and every non-peasant as upon an enemy.

The generous crusade of the early propagandists of the new gospel was met with suspicion on the part of the peasants, who turned a deaf ear to the noble missionaries.

There are many cases on record when peasants turned over these noble missionaries to the police.

The movement “into the people” would probably run its own course and end in bitter disenchantment for the propagandists if left to its own fate.

However, the stupid and cowardly government was scared out of its wits by the educational activity of high minded Utopian enthusiasts. The Russian government felt alarmed and started an era of cruel persecution. The peaceful propagandists were treated more severely than common criminals. The propagandists were imprisoned for life, banished to Siberia, executed on the gallows.

The “white” terror of the White Czar called forth the “red” terror of the revolutionists.

Secret societies with terroristic proclivities sprang up like mushrooms all over the country and an uneven, heroic struggle between intellectual proletarians and the government of the Czar, a struggle between David and Goliath was started.

The most typical secret terroristic society was represented by the so-called “Party of the Peoples Will,” ruled by the famous “Executive Committee.”

The “Executive Committee” was more dreaded by the Czars, than the day of judgment. Since the appearance of white and red terrorism—the Russian government deserved the title of a “Despotism tempered by assassination.”

The activity of the “Executive Committee” culminated in the execution of Alexander II.

With this unfortunate prince, red terrorism expired.

Terrorism was discredited. It removed personalities, but left the conditions producing them unchanged. It produced reaction.

The reign of Alexander III, this poor imitator of Nicholas I, and Nicholas II, the degenerate scion of the dynasty of Romanoff’s, was reactionary in the extreme.

Meanwhile the disintegration of the village-commune and proletarianisation of the people were progressing rapidly. Industries developed and the working class counts at present about five million of men and women.

Russia was modernized economically.

The process of political modernization must follow as day must follow night.

Although comparatively small in numbers, the city-proletariat formed the dynamic element of the Russian population. A party that would be shrewd enough to see it and gain the control of the working-class must by the very nature of things possess the key to the political situation in Russia.

The party is the party of the working class, the Social-Democratic party.

The Russian Social-Democratic party possesses the full confidence of the working class and dictates its policy.

The Russian Social-Democratic Party stands on the broad principles of International Socialism.

It believes, that the emancipation of the broad masses of the Russian people has to be effected by its advanced guard, the working class.

It believes that the mission of intellectuals must be limited to guidance and direction of the revolutionized but not sufficiently class conscious masses of the people.

It knows that the soil of Freedom was always fertilized by the blood of martyrs and tyrants and believes therefore in the terrorism of the masses.

Social-Democrats know that the Nemesis of history will produce a Brutus to every Caesar.

Social-Democrats know that if Von Plehve or Sergius would possess each of them thousands of lives, their execution would not expiate even a particle of their crimes.

At the same time Social-Democrats do not believe that the execution of single members of the Russian Government by single intellectuals ought to be raised to the dignity of a system adopted by a political party as such. Such terroristic acts are probably unavoidable but entail a deplorable waste of energy.

Young as the Russian Social-Democratic party is, (it started about 1896) it attained marvelous success.

The propaganda among the working class worked like magic.

There are two other parties to be considered as opposition forces.

One of them is the so-called Socialist-Revolutionist party. That party claims to represent the interests of all the toiling masses of the Russian people. But actually they ignore the working class and concentrate their attention upon the peasants.

The Revolutionists believe that the archaic village commune, the “mir,” can and has to be preserved in order to allow Russia to avoid the evils of Capitalism and proletarianisation of the masses.

The Revolutionists do not believe in the most essential part of economic determinism—in the law of development of social economic institutions.

The “Revolutionists” want to stop the evolutionary march of the sun of the proletariat at the Gibeon of common tenure of land, to arrest the movement of the moon of capitalism in the Avalon valley of dwarfed manufacture.

The “Revolutionists” are nationalists and Utopians in their theories and Jacobins in their tactics.

The interests of the Russian proletariat in general and of its liberation demand its organization into an independent political force.

However, the “Socialist Revolutionists” are—theoretically and by their tactics—opposing the endeavors of the Social Democrats to cement the working class into one political party.

The “Revolutionists” bend all their energies toward keeping the workingmen in an amorphous mass, that may be used as a tool only by the liberal middle class.

The “Revolutionists” represent therefore but a branch of the middle-class-democratic faction in Russia.

The middle-class tendencies of the “Revolutionists” are the more pernicious, because they are masked by the banner of Socialism.

The “Revolutionists” believe in manufacturing history by assassinations.

The third party is the party of the liberals.

This outspokenly middle-class party is composed of professionalists of all kinds, manufacturers, merchants and a motley crowd of intellectuals of rather indefinite occupation.

The liberals, too, would like to enjoy political freedom.

They would certainly condescend to graciously accept a liberal constitution presented to them on a silver tray.

But they want the “common people” (the “dear” common people) to win it for them by the sacrifice of life and limb.

The liberals represent an opposition party, but by no means a revolutionary force.

It is rather an anti-revolutionist and anti-proletarian movement.

The Social-Democrats are supported by the working class.

The “Revolutionists” back up their demands from the autocracy by terroristic acts.

The liberals talk and fill the waste-basket of the government with humble petitions.

Divergent as these three parties may be in their theoretical conceptions and tactics they are united on one vital point, namely, in their negative attitude toward the autocracy of the Czar.

The struggle against the autocracy of the Czar is a struggle against wild barbarity and eternal strife, it is a struggle for civilization and peace.

A wave of reaction would encircle the globe in case the Russian government would succeed in drowning the revolutionary movement in the blood of the people.

The victory of the revolutionary elements in Russia will be the victory of all liberty-loving men and women of the world.

The Russian people are now struggling for the liberties we enjoy here in the United States, the liberties the fathers of the Republic conquered a hundred years ago.

The Russian revolution has probably passed its most dramatic, spectacular stage.

Russia now entered into an era of chronic revolution.

The revolutionization of all the classes and masses of Russia is spreading and deepening, the revolutionary flames are working their way toward the shaky throne of the Czar and worm eaten altar of the State Church and cannot be extinguished till Absolutism and Parasitism will be no more.

The time has passed when the people of Russia could be pacified by political charity in the shape of an advisory board composed of representatives of various classes without power or-authority to legislate or control the budget of the State, as proposed by the Czar under the stress of a disastrous war.

The Russian people is now determined to get rid of the double yoke of political and economic oppression.

The Russian struggle is the world’s struggle.

The Chinese walls that used to divide countries and nations have crumbled into dust and ashes.

There is at present only one nation—the human race. There is at present only one world-struggle, the struggle of the vast majority of the human race, of the toiling masses against a small minority of political and social-economic parasites.

Perish Russian autocracy! Long live the Russian Revolution!

Perish Parasitism! Long live the proletariat of all nations!
I. Ladoff.
New York. March, 1905.

—————-

SOURCE
The International Socialist Review, Volume 5
ed by Algie Martin Simons, Charles H. Kerr
Charles H. Kerr & Company, July 1904 – June 1905
https://books.google.com/…
ISR April 1905
https://books.google.com/…
“The Revolutionary Movement in Russia” by Isador Ladoff
https://books.google.com/…

IMAGES
Ladoff X2
http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/…

See also:
The Passing of Capitalism: And the Mission of Socialism
-by Isador Ladoff
Debs publishing company, 1901
https://archive.org/…

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Internationale-from “Reds”

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Sunday April 16, 1905
Houghton, Michigan – Mother Jones Arrives to Assist Strikers and WFM Organizers

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones Arrives in Michigan Copper Country, Will Assist W. F. of M.

Sunday April 16, 1905
Houghton, Michigan – Mother Jones Arrives to Assist Strikers and WFM Organizers

Mother Jones has arrived in Michigan’s Copper Country where the Western Federation of Miners has been attempting to organize the copper miners. She is much needed in that effort where the miners face discharge and blacklisting whenever they attempt to organize.The streetcar workers of that area are also in need of Mother’s assistance. They have been on strike since February 25th, and Mother will, no doubt, encourage them to stand strong in their strike. The strike is against the Houghton County Traction Company, and is being led by the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employees.

Newspapers around the nation are reporting on the arrival of our most famous “labor agitator.” We offer two examples below.

From The New York Times of April 15, 1905:

MOTHER JONES IN MICHIGAN.
———-
Street Railway and Copper Mine
Strikers Call Her to State.HOUGHTON, Mich., April 14.-Mrs. Mary Jones, known as “Mother” Jones, a labor agitator, arrived in the copper country to-day, drawn by the street railway and mine strikes. Because of her efforts as an organizer of miners in the Colorado labor troubles she was deported. She will speak in the copper-country towns.

———-

From The Minneapolis Journal of April 15, 1905:

OPERATORS WILL NOT TEMPORIZE
———–

COPPER MINES WILL BE CLOSED
ABSOLUTELY IF MEN STRIKE.
———-
No Concessions Will Be Considered and Owners
Will Prepare for an Indefinite Siege-
Federation Organizers Believed to Be Quietly
Agitating a General Strike.
———–

Special to The Journal.

Houghton, Mich., April 15,-In expectation of a general strike on May 1, the mine operators of Houghton, Keweenaw and Ontonagon counties have decided in case of a walkout to make no concessions whatever, and close down absolutely for an indefinite period.The conservative element among the Calumet & Hecla employees are laboring hard to prevent a strike. In case of a general strike the old men may not get their jobs back when a settlement is reached.

“Mother” Jones is here and Charles Moyer, president of the Western Federation of Miners, has been a visitor. The federation organizers say they are not agitating a strike, but the evidence is to the contrary.

Sixteen thousand men would be affected directly, and as many more indirectly by a general strike.

———-[Photograph added.]

—————

SOURCES

The New York Times
(New York, New York)
-Apr 15, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The Minneapolis Journal
(Minneapolis, Minnesota)
-Apr 15, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Mother Jones
http://www.biography.com/…
Charles Moyer
http://darrow.law.umn.edu/…

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More on WFM & SPA* Organizing in Upper Michigan, 1903-05

From:
Rebels on the Range
-by Arthur W Thurner
MI, 1984
http://www.calumetcopper.com/…

When the WFM made its first move into the Lake Superior region, it had about 30,000 members. The U.S. metal-mining industry then employed about 120,000 workers. In September, 1903, Joy Pollard union organizer, arrived in the Copper Country where strike breakers were being recruited. Craft union members and A. T. Schmelzer of Lake Linden, brother of WFM Executive Board member from Silverton, Colorado, introduced him to local copper workers who advised him to organize Calumet men first. As he visited iron mines in Michigan and Wisconsin subsequently he heard the same message: “Get Calumet or the Copper boys and we will all follow.”Pollard visited twenty-eight communities and locations in the Copper Country and, on January 31, 1904, organized the first WFM local in the district at Laurium. It was called Amygdaloid Miners’ Union No. 217. M. E. Condon was its first president. Other locals formed during his stay were Smeltermen’s Union No. 218 at Lake Linden. Quincy Miners’ Union No. 76 at Hancock, Champion Miners’ Union No. 221 at Painesdale, and Conglomerate No. 226 at Allouez. District Union No. 10 headquartered at Lake Linden.

On May 17, 1904, Martin Nortvedt, Loughlin J. Kelly, and Patrick Shea reported from Laurium that their local did not have funds to send a delegate to the WFM convention and that “any delegate would lose his position and be blacklisted in Houghton County, and as union is in infancy they would have no redress.” Socialist orientation of the local leaders was evident in the letters which stated: “Classes will disappear…the working class must become the dominant class…March to the polls.”

Socialist activity in the Michigan copper district, best described as nascent when Pollard arrived, began to stir in 1904. The Laurium Socialist Club was formed in early 1904 and at mid-year Finnish members decided to create a Finnish branch of it. James Carey, prominent Massachusetts socialist lectured at Calumet in April on the future of socialism, and socialists competed in a Houghton County election that month. Candidates included men of German, Scandinavian, French, Irish, and Italian descent..Tyomies, the newspaper of socialist persuasion established by Finns in July, 1903, in Worcester, Massachusetts, moved in 1904 to Hancock which became a center of Finnish socialist activity.

When Pollard returned to the Copper Country in the spring of 1905, the Allouez local was extinct and the others barely alive. He and Matt Wasley, an organizer from Negaunee, Michigan, worked with little success to resuscitate them. They had some help from Mary Harris Jones, the coal miners’ Mother Jones, who had come north to aid members of the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employees who had been on strike at Houghton County Traction Company since February 25.

*Socialist Party of America““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
The Spirit of Mother Jones – Andy Irvine

Mother Jones, the Miners’ Angel must be treated with respect
She’s an old fashioned lady, and you never would suspect
That this gown and this bonnet would fill a rich man full of dread
“She’s the most dangerous woman in America,” they said.
-Andy Irvine

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Friday April 21, 1905
Chicago, Illinois – Actions of Coal Team Owners Likely to Spread Teamsters’ Strike

Hellraisers Journal: Chicago Teamsters Sympathetic Strike May Soon Spread Across the City

Friday April 21, 1905
Chicago, Illinois – Actions of Coal Team Owners Likely to Spread Teamsters’ Strike

Scab Trucks Escorted by Police
“““““

The city of Chicago may soon find the strike of the Teamsters spread across the city due to the actions of the Coal Team Owners who insist that they will deliver coal to Montgomery Wards & Co. come what may. Thus far, the teamsters’ sympathetic strike has been confined to Montgomery Wards where the garment workers are on strike against the attempts of that company to end their union contract and impose an open shop.Yesterday’s Chicago Inter Ocean reports:

Important developments are expected in the teamsters’ strike today. The trouble has reached a point where a number of teaming contractors will be forced to choose between joining hands with the Chicago Employers’ association or standing with their union teamsters. Since the trouble began most of the teaming contractors have been on the fence and have refused to make deliveries to Montgomery Ward & Co.The A. M. Forbes Teaming company yesterday delivered seven loads to Montgomery Ward & Co. with nonunion drivers under police protection. The Edwin F. Daniels Coal company delivered a load of coal, the first received at the big house since the strike was called, almost two weeks ago.

These acts have thoroughly aroused the union teamsters employed by both concerns, and despite the efforts of the leaders to confine the strike to the Ward company, the danger of its spreading is said to be more imminent this morning than it has been at any time.

From the Chicago Inter Ocean of April 20, 1905:

SPREAD OF STRIKE MAY START TODAY
———-

Coal Team Owners Use Nonunion Teamsters and
Leaders Demand That They
Support Strike or Join Employes.
———-
CRISIS CANNOT BE LONGER DELAYED BY COMPANIES
———-
Grand Jury Will Begin Hearing Evidence Against Rioters
and Indictments Are Expected in Cases
Now Pending in Justice Courts.
———-

Important developments are expected in the teamsters’ strike today. The trouble has reached a point where a number of teaming contractors will be forced to choose between joining hands with the Chicago Employers’ association or standing with their union teamsters. Since the trouble began most of the teaming contractors have been on the fence and have refused to make deliveries to Montgomery Ward & Co.

The A. M. Forbes Teaming company yesterday delivered seven loads to Montgomery Ward & Co. with nonunion drivers under police protection. The Edwin F. Daniels Coal company delivered a load of coal, the first received at the big house since the strike was called, almost two weeks ago.

These acts have thoroughly aroused the union teamsters employed by both concerns, and despite the efforts of the leaders to confine the strike to the Ward company, the danger of its spreading is said to be more imminent this morning than it has been at any time.

Will Deliver Coal Today.Fred Westphal, who does the hauling for the Daniels Coal company, is prepared to make deliveries to the Ward company today. He has a large number of nonunion teamsters in readiness should his union men quit. It was said last night that ten of the largest employers in the Coal Team Owners’ association had determined to cast their lot with the Chicago Employers’ association and form a new organization of their own. If the report is true it will mean trouble with the coal teamsters, but the officers of the Coal Teamsters’ union are inclined to doubt the report.

The grand jury will take up the strike today, when it will be asked by State’s Attorney Healy to vote indictments in three specific cases of violence where policemen have been attacked and beaten while protecting the Ward wagons. This was decided last night at a conference between State’s Attorney Healy and Assistant Chief of Police Schuettler.

Three witnesses accompanied Schuettler to the office of the state’s attorney. He refused to reveal their names or the names of the three men against whom indictments are sought. “I am not at liberty to give any names,” said State’s Attorney Healy, “but I will ask the grand jury to vote true bills in three specific cases tomorrow.”

Although Schuettler’s visit to the Criminal court building was ostensibly in the interest of policemen who have been assaulted during the strike, it is said the grand jury will be asked to indict men who have been guilty of assaulting nonunion teamsters.

There were fewer cases of violence reported yesterday, and the reason was said to be due to a rumor which was circulated in the afternoon that a settlement was in sight. Around the labor headquarters it was rumored that Robert J. Thorne of Montgomery Ward & Co. had asked for a conference with the strike leaders. The rumor was entirely unfounded, but it caused the pickets to abate their violence.

Arbitration Again Proposed.

Striking Chicago Garment Worker
““`

The peace committee of the Coal Team Owners’ association has arranged to see Mr. Thorne this morning and propose that the entire matter, including the garment workers’ strike, be submitted to an arbitration board of seven persons. No results are expected from this proposition, as a number of similar proposals have been reflected by the employers in the past.Mr. Thorne last night said the strike has shown the firm that there are other ways of filling orders than having the merchandise pass through the Michigan avenue building.

Thirty-seven loads of merchandise were delivered at the Ward house yesterday by the caravans of the Chicago Employers’ association, while the four teams of the new teaming company picked up loads from nine firms during the day. It was discovered yesterday that the stables of the new teaming company formed by the employers are located at 1817 Dearborn street. The employers say that the number of teams will be increased, and they will begin hauling coal unless the coal dealers make deliveries to the Ward company. The wagons used by the Employers’ Teaming company had the names painted over with fresh paint, as they did not want the pickets to learn whom they belonged to or from whom they were purchased.

Car Crew Is Arrested.John Shievers, motorman, and Sidney Lowenthal conductor of a Canalport avenue car, were arrested yesterday afternoon at Fifth avenue and Madison street for attempting to run into a caravan of the Ward company’s wagons. Lieutenant O’Connor of the Desplaines street station was in charge of the police, and he ordered the motorman to stop his car until the caravan passed. The motorman turned on the current and tried to cut off the patrol wagon which was following the caravan. When the police tried to arrest him he attacked them with the controller.

Walter Smith, a negro nonunion driver for the Lord & Bushnell Lumber company, was severely beaten on a Metropolitan Elevated railroad train at Center avenue by five pickets. The pickets followed him onto the train and attacked him with brass knuckles.

Walter Harris, a private detective employed by Montgomery Ward & Co., was attacked and beaten by pickets at Washington street and Wabash avenue at noon yesterday. His revolver was taken away from him and he was placed on a street car, with a warning to keep away from the Ward building.

Early yesterday morning three nonunion drivers were attacked near the headquarters maintained by the company, at 20 Lake street. Several shots were fired and the first crowd of pickets fled. After the nonunion men had emptied their revolvers another crowd of pickets came out of a doorway and attacked them. They were severely beaten before the police arrived on the scene.

———-[Photograph added.]

—————

SOURCE
The Inter Ocean
(Chicago, Illinois)
-Apr 20, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Patrol Wagons Guard Trucks,
Chicago Daily Tribune, Apr 9, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Striking Garment Worker of Chicago
from The Inter Ocean of Nov 29, 1904
http://www.newspapers.com/…

See also:
Annual Report
Illinois. State Board of Arbitration, 1906
https://books.google.com/…
“Special Order Clothing Workers’ Strike-Chicago.”
(Chicago Garment Workers Strike of 1904-05)
https://books.google.com/…
“Teamsters’ Sympathetic Strike,-Chicago”
(Chicago Teamsters Strike of 1905)
https://books.google.com/…

“Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones Addresses Chicago’s Garment Strikers,
Will Fight to the End” by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Chicago Teamsters Strike of 1905
http://www.dailykos.com/…

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Workers of the World Awaken

If the workers take a notion,
They can stop all speeding trains;
Every ship upon the ocean
They can tie with mighty chains.
Every wheel in the creation,
Every mine and every mill,
Fleets and armies of the nation,
Will at their command stand still.
-Joe Hill (words and music)
https://www.youtube.com/…
http://www.folkarchive.de/…

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Thursday April 27, 1905
From The Independent: Rose Schneiderman Tells the Story of a Cap Maker’s Life

Hellraisers Journal: Rose Schneiderman, “So we must stand together to resist.” Life of a Cap Maker

The girls and women by their meetings and discussions come to understand and
sympathize with each other, and more and more easily they act together…
So we must stand together to resist, for we will get
what we can take just that and no more.
-Rose Schneiderman““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Thursday April 27, 1905
From The Independent: Rose Schneiderman Tells the Story of a Cap Maker’s Life

Rose Schneiderman
“““““

In today’s edition of The Independent, Rose Schneiderman, the young leader of the New York Cloth Hat and Cap Makers Union, tells the story of her life in New York City where, at a young age, upon the death of her father, she was forced to quit school and assist with the care of her younger sister and brothers. As a young working woman, she became determined to organize her workplace, and did so in short order.Miss Schneiderman, although only twenty-three years old, is already a member of National Board of her union, the United Cloth Hat and Cap Makers Union of North America. She has also recently joined the Women’s Trade Union League of New York.

The article, “A Cap Maker’s Story,” was written soon after the New York City Cap Makers returned to work having successfully settled their strike against the open shop drive of their employers.

Miss Schneiderman states that working women are beginning to understand the importance of organizing and standing together to fight for better conditions:

The girls and women by their meetings and discussions come to understand and sympathize with each other, and more and more easily they act together.It is the only way in which they can hope to hold what they now have or better present conditions.

Certainly there is no hope from the mercy of the bosses.

Each boss does the best he can for himself with no thought of the other bosses, and that compels each to gouge and squeeze his hands to the last penny in order to make a profit.

So we must stand together to resist, for we will get what we can take just that and no more.

From The Independent of April 27, 1905:

A Cap Maker’s Story

BY ROSE SCHNEIDERMAN

[Miss Schneiderman led the women capmakers in their recent successful strike for the union shop. She is a small, quiet, serious, good looking young woman of twenty years, already a member of the National Board, and fast rising in the labor world.— EDITOR.]

Rose Schneiderman at her sewing machine.
“““““

My name is Rose Schneiderman, and I was born in some small city of Russian Poland. I don’t know the name of the city, and have no memory of that part of my childhood. When I was about five years of age my parents brought me to this country and we settled in New York.So my earliest recollections are of living in a crowded street among the East Side Jews, for we also are Jews.

My father got work as a tailor, and we lived in two rooms on Eldridge Street, and did very well, though not so well as in Russia, because mother and father both earned money, and here father alone earned the money, while mother attended to the house. There were then two other children besides me, a boy of three and one of five.

I went to school until I was nine years old, enjoying it thoroughly and making great progress, but then my father died of brain fever and mother was left with three children and another one coming. So I had to stay at home to help her and she went out to look for work.

A month later the baby was born, and mother got work in a fur house, earning about $6 a week and afterward $8 a week, for she was clever and steady.

I was the house worker, preparing the meals and looking after the other children – the baby, a little girl of six years, and a boy of nine. I managed very well, tho the meals were not very elaborate. I could cook simple things like porridge, coffee and eggs, and mother used to prepare the meat before she went away in the morning, so that all I had to do was to put it in the pan at night.

The children were not more troublesome than others, but this was a hard part of my life with few bright spots in it. I was a serious child, and cared little for children’s play, and I knew nothing about the country, so it was not so bad for me as it might have been for another. Yet it was bad, tho I did get some pleasure from reading, of which I was very fond: and now and then, as a change from the home, I took a walk in the crowded street.

Mother was absent from half past seven o’clock in the morning till half past six o’clock in the evening.

I was finally released by my little sister being taken by an aunt, and the two boys going to the Hebrew Orphan Asylum, which is a splendid institution, and turns out good men. One of these brothers is now a student in the City College, and the other is a page in the Stock Exchange.

When the other children were sent away mother was able to send me back to school and I stayed in this school (Houston Street Grammar) till I had reached the Sixth Grammar Grade.

Then I had to leave in order to help support the family. I got a place in Hearn’s as cash girl, and after working there three weeks changed to Ridley’s, where I remained for two and a half years. I finally left because the pay was so very poor and there did not seem to be any chance of advancement, and a friend told me that I could do better making caps.

So I got a place in the factory of Hein & Fox. The hours were from 8 a m. to 6 p. m., and we made all sorts of linings or, rather, we stitched in the linings golf caps, yachting caps, etc. It was piece work, and we received from 3 1/2 cents to 10 cents a dozen, according to the different grades. By working hard we could make an average of about $5 a week. We would have made more but had to provide our own machines, which cost us $45, we paying for them on the installment plan. We paid $5 down and $1 a month after that.

I learned the business in about two months, and then made as much as the others, and was consequently doing quite well when the factory burned down, destroying all our machines 150 of them. This was very hard on the girls who had paid for their machines. It was not so bad for me, as I had only paid a little of what I owed.

The bosses got $500,000 insurance, so I heard, but they never gave the girls a cent to help them bear their losses. I think they might have given them $10, anyway,

Soon work went on again in four lofts, and a little later I became assistant sample maker. This is a position which, tho coveted by many, pays better in glory than in cash It was still piece work, and tho the pay per dozen was better the work demanded was of a higher quality, and one could not rush through samples as through the other caps. So I still could average only about $5 per week.

After I had been working as a cap maker for three years it began to dawn on me that we girls needed an organization. The men had organized already, and had gained some advantages, but the bosses had lost nothing, as they took it out of us.

We were helpless; no one girl dare stand up for anything alone. Matters kept getting worse. The bosses kept making reductions in our pay, half a cent a dozen at a time. It did not sound important, but at the end of the week we found a difference.

We didn’t complain to the bosses; we didn’t say anything except to each other. There was no use. The bosses would not pay any attention unless we were like the men and could make them attend.

One girl would say that she didn’t think she could make caps for the new price, but another would say that she thought she could make up for the reduction by working a little harder, and then the first would tell herself, “If she can do it, why can’t I?” They didn’t think how they were wasting their strength.

A new girl from another shop got in among us. She was Miss Bessie Brout, and she talked organization as a remedy for our ills. She was radical and progressive, and she stimulated thoughts which were already in our minds before she came.

Finally Miss Brout and I and another girl went to the National Board of United Cloth Hat and Cap Makers when it was in session, and asked them to organize the girls.

They asked us:

“How many of you are there willing to be organized?”

“In the first place about twelve,” we said. We argued that the union label would force the bosses to organize their girls, and if there was a girls’ union in existence the bosses could not use the union label unless their girls belonged to the union.

We were told to come to the next meeting of the National Board, which we did, and then received a favorable answer, and were asked to bring all the girls who were willing to be organized to the next meeting, and at the next meeting, accordingly, we were there twelve strong and were organized.

When Fox found out what had happened he discharged Miss Brout, and probably would have discharged me but that I was a sample maker and not so easy to replace. In a few weeks we had all the girls in the organization, because the men told the girls that they must enter the union or they would not be allowed to work in the shop.

Then came a big strike. Price lists for the coming season were given in to the bosses, to which they did not agree. After some wrangling a strike was declared in five of the biggest factories. There are 30 factories in the city. About 100 girls went out. The result was a victory, which netted us- I mean the girls- $2 increase in our wages on the average.

All the time our union was progressing very nicely. There were lectures to make us understand what trades unionism is and our real position in the labor movement I read upon the subject and grew more and more interested, and after a time I became a member of the National Board, and had duties and responsibilities that kept me busy after my day’s work was done.

But all was not lovely by any means, for the bosses were not at all pleased with their beating and had determined to fight us again. They agreed among themselves that after the 26th of December, 1904, they would run their shops on the “open” system. This agreement was reached last fall, and soon notices, reading as follows, were hung in the various shops:

NOTICE
After the 26th of December, 1904, this shop will be run on the open shop system, the bosses having the right to engage and discharge employees as they see fit, whether the latter are union or nonunion.

Of course. we knew that this meant an attack on the union. The bosses intended gradually to get rid of us, employing in our place child labor and raw immigrant girls who would work for next to nothing.On December 22nd the above notice appeared, and the National Board, which had known about it all along, went into session prepared for action.

Our people were very restive, saying that they could not sit under that notice, and that if the National Board did not call them out soon they would go out of themselves.

At last word was sent out, and at 2.30 o’clock all the workers stopped, and, laying down their scissors and other tools, marched out, some of them singing the “Marseillaise.”

We were out for thirteen weeks, and the girls established their reputation. They were on picket duty from seven o’clock in the morning till six o’clock in the evening, and gained over many of the nonunion workers by appeals to them to quit working against us.

Our theory was that if properly approached and talked to few would be found who would resist our offer to take them into our organization. No right thinking person desires to injure another. We did not believe in violence and never employed it.

During this strike period we girls each received $3 a week; single men $3 a week, and married men $5 a week This was paid us by the National Board.

We were greatly helped by the other unions, because the open shop issue was a tremendous one, and this was the second fight which the bosses had conducted for it.

Their first was with the tailors, whom they beat. If they now could beat us the outlook for unionism would be bad.

Some were aided and we stuck out, and won a glorious victory all along the line. That was only last week The shops are open now for all union hands and for them only.

While the strike lasted I tried to get work in a factory that was not affected, but found that the boss was against me.

Last spring I had gone as a member of a committee to appeal to this boss on behalf of a girl who had been four years in his employ and was only getting $7 a week. She wanted $1 raise and all legal holidays. Previously she had had to work on holidays. After argument we secured for her the $1 raise and half a day on every legal holiday.

When the strike broke out, looking for work, I went to this boss, and he stared at me, and said: “What do you want?”

“You asked for a girl.”

“You-you-I don’t want you,” said he. “Can’t I have my choice?”

“Certainly,” said I, “I could never work where I am not wanted”

I suppose he expected me to revenge myself by keeping other girls away, but I sent him others till he filled the place. He resented my having served on the committee, and so he did not want me, but I felt honored by the manner in which I was treated. It showed that I had done my duty.

The bosses try to represent this open shop issue as tho they were fighting a battle for the public, but really it is nothing of the sort. The open shop is a weapon to break the unions and set men once more cutting each other’s throats by individual competition.

Why, there was a time in the cap trade when men worked fourteen hours a day, and then took the heads of their machines home in bags and setting them up on stands, put mattresses underneath to deaden the sound and worked away till far into the morning. We don’t want such slavery as that to come back.

The shops are open now for all union people, and all nonunion people can join the union. In order to take in newcome foreigners we have for them cut the initiation fees down to one-half what we Americans have to pay, and we trust them till they get work and their wages.

In order to give the newcomers a chance we have stopped night work, which doesn’t suit the bosses, because it causes them to pay more rent when they can’t use their buildings night and day. It costs them the price of another loft instead of costing the workers their health and lives as in the old days.

Our trade is well organized, we have won two victories and are not going backward.

But there is much to be done in other directions. The shop girls certainly need organization, and I think that they ought to be easy to organize, as their duties are simple and regular and they have a regular scale of wages.

Many saleswomen on Grand and Division streets, and, in fact, all over the East Side, work from 8 a. m. till 9 p. m. week days, and one-half a day on Sundays for $5 and $6 a week; so they certainly need organization.

The waitresses also could easily be organized, and perhaps the domestic servants. I don’t know about stenographers. I have not come in contact with them.

Women have proved in the late strike that they can be faithful to an organization and to each other. The men give us the credit of winning the strike.

Certainly our organization constantly grows stronger, and the Woman’s Trade Union League makes progress.

The girls and women by their meetings and discussions come to understand and sympathize with each other, and more and more easily they act together.It is the only way in which they can hope to hold what they now have or better present conditions.

Certainly there is no hope from the mercy of the bosses.

Each boss does the best he can for himself with no thought of the other bosses, and that compels each to gouge and squeeze his hands to the last penny in order to make a profit.

So we must stand together to resist, for we will get what we can take just that and no more.
New York, March 20, 1905

[Photographs added.]

From The Blacksmiths Journal of March 1905:

The good news of the successful conclusion of Cap Makers strike was received through the following communication forwarded by Samuel Gompers on March 25, 1905-

New York, N. Y., March 20, 1905.
Samuel Gompers, President American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C:Cloth Hat and Cap Makers’ strike settled with glory.
MAX ZUCKERMAN,
International Secretary.

Therefore, it will be unnecessary to forward any further contributions to Mr. Zuckerman in aid of the Cloth Hat and Cap Makers, but you are urgently requested to do all that you possibly can to contribute generously and promptly in aid of the Chicago Garment Workers’ strike. All financial contributions should be forwarded to B. A. Larger, Secretary of the United Garment Workers of America, Rooms 116-117 Bible House, New York, N. Y. Counting upon the earnest co-operation of all to maintain the unity and solidarity of our movement, and hoping for still greater success in the future than has attended our movement in the past, am
Fraternally yours,
SAMUEL GOMPERS,
President American Federation of Labor.
FRANK MORRISON, Secretary.

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

The Independent, Volume 58
S. W. Benedict, 1905
https://books.google.com/…
The Independent
(New York, New York)
-Apr 27, 1905
https://books.google.com/…
“A Cap Maker’s Story” by Rose Schneiderman
https://books.google.com/…

All For One
-by Rose Schneiderman
with Lucy Goldthwaite
NY, 1967

The Blacksmiths Journal, Volume 6
The Brotherhood, 1905
https://books.google.com/…
The Blacksmiths Journal
(Chicago, Illinois)
-March 1905
https://books.google.com/…
Telegram from Zuckerman
https://books.google.com/…

IMAGES
Rose Schneiderman, 1905
http://access.cjh.org/…
Rose Schneiderman at her sewing machine.
http://trianglefire.ilr.cornell.edu/…
Women’s Trade Union League of New York, ab/ 1904
http://trianglefire.ilr.cornell.edu/…

See also:

“Hellraisers Journal: Brave Cap Makers on Strike in New York City
Deserve Support Says Gompers” by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Google search: “Cloth Hat and Cap Makers strike settled with glory.”
https://www.google.com/…

1902: United Cloth Hat and Cap Makers’ Union of North American receives charter from the American Federation of Labor.
https://books.google.com/…

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Bread and Roses-Kate Vikstrom

As we come marching, marching, unnumbered women dead
Go crying through our singing their ancient cry for bread.
Small art and love and beauty their drudging spirits knew.
Yes, it is bread we fight for — but we fight for roses, too!
-James Oppenheim

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Saturday April 29, 1905
Chicago, Illinois – Federal Injunction Issued Against Striking Chicago Teamsters

Hellraisers Journal: Fight Is On- “Federal Injunction Is Issued to Check Striking Chicago Teamsters”

Saturday April 29, 1905
Chicago, Illinois – Federal Injunction Issued Against Striking Chicago Teamsters

Since last Hellraisers reported on the Chicago Teamsters’ Strike, that strike has been declared off, then declared on again, and has now spread across the city. Yesterday, according to the Rock Island Argus of Illinois, a federal injunction was issued against the teamsters:

Chicago, April 28.-Federal Judge Kohisaat today granted an injunction to the Employers’ association restraining all persons from interfering with the movements of the association’s wagons upon the streets or in the alleyways or obstructing business of members of the association. The in junction is returnable May 10. It is specifically directed against the teamsters’ joint council of Chicago…The injunction was issued on the grounds that the Employers Teaming company, is a corporation organized in West Virginia and being a corporation of a foreign state has a right to protection under the federal government. As soon as the injunction was filed in court 750 copies of the order were given to United States Marshal Ames. Six deputy marshals were called into Ames’ office and given instructions to serve the papers at once.

Today, below the fold, Hellraisers

features reporting on the Chicago Teamsters Strike from the Argus covering the past several days of the escalating strike situation in the city of Chicago.

From the Rock Island Argus of April 25, 1905:

TEAMSTERS CALL OFF CHICAGO STRIKE;
DISAGREE WITH GARMENT WORKERS

Striking Garment Worker of Chicago
“““““

Chicago, April 25.-The teamsters last night called of their strike against Montgomery Ward & Co. The refusal of the garment workers in aid of whom the teamsters struck to be parties to a fight against only one firm when they had grievances against a number, led to the disruption of the committee managing the strike and the collapse of the struggle. According to a statement of the teamsters’ strike committee, the teamsters refused to spread the strike to other houses than Montgomery Ward & Co., and the garment workers were not satisfied unless the strike was extended to the larger clothing houses.

Want Old PositionsThe differences cold not be harmonized and the teamsters decided to withdraw from the fight. A committee was appointed which will wait on the employers to obtain the old positions for the strikers.

From the Rock Island Argus of April 26, 1905:

CHICAGO EMPLOYERS DECIDE TO KEEP UP
WAR AGAINST TEAMSTERS
———-

Refuse to Accept Peace Offered Them—
Strike Rehabilitated by the Men—
May Tie Up Large Business Interests.

Cornelius Shea, President
International Brotherhood of Teamsters
“““““

Chicago, April 26.-The Chicago Employers’ association yesterday absolutely refused the concessions offered by the teamsters’ strike committee toward ending the strike against Montgomery Ward & Co. Meeting in secret conference during the evening, the representatives of 28 of the strongest business houses of the city, all members of the association, agreed that the fight against “dictatorial unionism” should proceed, whatever might be the consequences.

Will Discriminate Against.The policy of “no Discrimination” was abandoned by unanimous consent. Henceforth, it was agreed, the employers are to be arrayed against their union teaming employes in a decisive issue. It was declared that hereafter labor not allied to the present unions would be given the preference by the Employers’ Teaming association.

Teamsters to Revive Strike.At the same hour in which the meeting of the employers was held a session of the Teamsters’ Joint council was in progress at 83 Madison street. President Shea delivered an impassionate speech and as a result the union’s representatives voted to continue or “rehabilitate” the teamsters’ strike against Ward & Co. This action was taken just before midnight.

Though the action of the teamsters was not known to the employers when the latter reached their decision, it was conceded among them that their own radical stand might result today in a deadlock of teaming in the city.

———-[Photograph added.]

From the Rock Island Argus of April 27, 1905:

STRIKE SPREADS
———-

Other Wholesale Firms of Chicago
Affected by Labor War.
———-
NEW METHODS EMPLOYED
———-
Police Sergeant Fatally Hurt in Fight
by Being Run Over by Bus.
———-

Chicago, April 27.-The teamsters’ strike spread today to the wholesale and retail houses of Marshall Field & Co., Carson, Pirie, Scott & Co. and the wholesale house of John V. Farwell company. Strike pickets, with orders to prevent, if possible, the handling of goods by non-union men, were placed about stables, stores and warehouses of the firms named.

Drivers Refuse to Haul.Drivers for the railway express companies refused today to haul or deliver goods to the firms against which teamsters had struck. One hundred and ninety drivers of the Forbes Cartage company struck today. This strike had the effect of interfering partly or wholly with teaming of 60 other firms for whom the Forbes company is furnishing wagons.

In a mix-up between union and non-union teams Police Sergeant Richard Cummings was run over and fatally injured by a bus. John Ceresam, a union driver, was arrested.

Express Drivers Quit.Four hundred and twenty drivers for the United States and American Express companies and 30 stevedores quit work during the day rather than handle goods for establishments under the labor leaders’ ban. There were numerous attacks on nonunion drivers and several clashes between police and strikers and their sympathizers but only one was seriously hurt.

———-[Photograph added.]

From the Rock Island Argus of April 28, 1905:

FEDERAL INJUNCTION IS ISSUED TO CHECK
STRIKING CHICAGO TEAMSTERS
———-

Use of United States Troops is Hinted at by Marshal.
———-
EMPLOYERS ARE BUSY
———-
Move Goods in Spite of Strikers—
Negroes From South Brought in.
———-

Patrol Wagons Guard Trucks
“““““

Chicago, April 28.-Federal Judge Kohisaat today granted an injunction to the Employers’ association restraining all persons from interfering with the movements of the association’s wagons upon the streets or in the alleyways or obstructing business of members of the association. The in junction is returnable May 10. It is specifically directed against the teamsters’ joint council of Chicago.

Is Outside Corporation.The injunction was issued on the grounds that the Employers Teaming company, is a corporation organized in West Virginia and being a corporation of a foreign state has a right to protection under the federal government. As soon as the injunction was filed in court 750 copies of the order were given to United States Marshal Ames. Six deputy marshals were called into Ames’ office and given instructions to serve the papers at once.

Intimates Use of Troops.Marshal Ames said, “Any violation of the injunction will come under the jurisdiction of the federal court. It necessary large numbers of special deputy marshals will be sworn in if the disturbances and violations continue and if the marshal is unable to cope with the situation, the federal government will be appealed to and it will use whatever means it deems necessary to quell the insurrection.”

Trouble Starts Early.Chicago, April 28.-Scenes of violence in connection with the teamsters strike began promptly today, the first victim being a nonunion colored teamster, who was kicked and beaten into insensibility by strike sympathizers.

Special details of police were sent to the Employers Teaming company in Eighteenth street near State street where nonunion teamsters are employed. It was feared the most serious disturbance would occur in the vicinity of these stables.

Employers Aggressive.The employers were aggressive in operating with nonunion teamsters. Under escort of a large force of policemen wagons were sent out from Marshall Field & Co.’s stables, notwithstanding the streets in the vicinity were crowded with teams of strike sympathizers. Nonunion teamsters were jeered and hooted by the mob while a number of teamsters wearing union buttons attempted to form blockades. Prompt action by the police forced a passage through for the nonunion conveyances.

Fifty negroes from the south who are to take the place of strikers arrived in a box car on the Burlington railroad today.

Department Store Hit.Sixty drivers for Hillman’s department store joined the strike ranks today. Striking unions declared a boycott on the Great Northern and Heyworth buildings. Union officials said today 500 tons of coal had been stored in the sub-cellar of the Heyworth building and was being used as supply for Montgomery Ward & Co.

Most Dangerous Disturbance.Chicago, April 28.-Chicago is facing the most dangerous labor disturbance since the Debs strike of 11 years ago, if not the most serious in its history. The business of the city, already partly paralyzed, may soon be completely enveloped, so far as it is dependent upon teaming, by the greatest teamsters’ strike on record. By next Monday morning, perhaps, before that time, all of the 25,000 union drivers who handle so important a part of the city’s traffic may be involved.

The employers expect to apply to the United States courts for a blanket injunction. The state court order protecting the business of Montgomery Ward & Co. lacks the force that is needed.

Beyond Control of Union Leaders.Union leaders declared last night that the conflict had got beyond their control, even if they should desire to limit it. The leading merchants and business men, too, realized their impotency to check its spread. They simply assembled all the resources in their power and prepared to meet the attack and cope with it.

Lurking behind the teamsters’ contest is the shadow of a greater war-one in which organized capital and organized labor may clash in Chicago for supremacy. Only the conservatism of some of the labor leaders, it is believed, may avert the lining up of the combined forces of the workmen against their employers, in all branches of industry, in such a contest.

———-[Photograph added.]

———-

SOURCE
Rock Island Argus
(Rock Island, Illinois)
-Apr 25, 1905
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/…
-Apr 26, 1905
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/…
-Apr 27, 1905
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/…
-Apr 28, 1905
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/…

IMAGES
International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Charter with AFL
http://teamster.org/…
Striking Garment Worker of Chicago
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Cornelius Shea, 1903
http://teamster.org/…
Police Sergeant Cummings
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Scene from Chicago Teamsters Strike
http://www.newspapers.com/…

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Workers of the World Awaken

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DK HJ May 1915

5th September 2026 Janet RayeHellraisers Journal

Saturday May 1, 1915
Indianapolis, Indiana – Mother Jones Thinks of “Her Boys” on Her Birthday

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones Celebrates 83 Years, Recalls Birthday Spent in Jail for “Her Boys”

I am down at the Fleetwood whenever they want to put me in jail for violation of the law.
Come along for me, come.
There is coming a day when I will take the whole bunch of you and put you in jail.
-Mother Jones
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Saturday May 1, 1915
Indianapolis, Indiana – Mother Jones Thinks of “Her Boys” on Her Birthday

From today’s Indianapolis Star:

Mother Jones, 83 Today, Thinks of “Her Boys”

Mother Jones in the Military Bastile
at Pratt, West Virginia, 1913

“I have spent one birthday in jail and missed spending the last one by only a few hours, but I’d be willing to spend all of them in prison if it would be of any help to my boys,” said Mrs. Mary Jones, known as Mother Jones to thousands of admiring union labor men everywhere in America, yesterday afternoon. Mrs Jones had been at the Hotel Severin for several days and she recalled, just before she started to the Union station to take a train for Washington that today is her eighty-third birthday anniversary.Mother Jones will spend a part of her birthday anniversary, after her arrival in Washington, with Terrance V. Powderly, former head of the Knights of Labor. Mrs. Jones said she and Powderly were “warriors together” at one time, and added that her eighty-first anniversary was spent in a military prison at Pratt. W. Va., and that she missed spending her eighty-second in a prison in Colorado only by a few hours. In both instances she had been placed under arrest for her efforts in behalf of striking miners.

[Photograph added.]

Mother Jones in the Military Bastile at Walsenburg, Colorado, 1914:

Below the fold we offer two more articles regarding the recent trip made by Mother Jones to Indianapolis where she met with the officers of the United Mine Workers of America at the union’s international headquarters in that city.

From The Indianapolis News of April 28, 1915:

MOTHER JONES IN THE CITY.
———-
Will Confer With Miners’ Board Over
Colorado Conditions.

Mother Jones, friend of the miner and the workingman generally, who registered plain “M. Jones, United States,” arrived at the Hotel Severin today from Washington. Her mission to Indianapolis relates to the labor situation in Colorado. While in this city, Mother Jones will have conferences with the Colorado members of the miners’ executive board, which is in session at the headquarters of the organization.Mother Jones says she has great hopes of better labor conditions in Colorado since she has had the positive promise from John D. Rockefeller, Jr., that he will go there and personally take charge of matters. She expresses sorrow for the young millionaire, that he was born and educated in the midst of wealth. “He’s a good sort of fellow at heart,” she remarked.

Mother Jones recently visited Frank Ryan and other iron workers in Leavenworth prison and she proposes to start a campaign in Washington for a parole for Ryan and three or four others whom she declares have been punished enough.

———-Photograph added.]

From The Indianapolis Star of April 29, 1915:

MOTHER JONES STOPS HERE FOR
CHAT WITH HER “BOYS”
———-

Mrs. Mary Jones, known to thousands of laboring men, throughout the United States as Mother Jones, was in Indianapolis yesterday. While here Mrs. Jones visited the offices of the United Mine Workers of America for a chat with her “boys, ” as she invariably refers to the miners.”The situation in Colorado is much better than it was and it is going to be all right again,” said Mrs. Jones at the Hotel Severin. “Things don’t get bad in a day and they can’t get good in a day, either, so we can’t expect the Colorado situation to improve right away. John D. Rockefeller Jr. told me he would go to Colorado and look after the situation there, and I believe he will do it. He has had a death in his family and that has delayed his trip.”

Mrs. Jones carries her eighty odd years with a buoyant step, a steady hand and a strong voice. She wore a black silk dress trimmed with white and a black hat with a dash of purple on the crown, which added youth to her appearance. Mrs. Jones is on her way to Colorado, but will remain here a short time before proceeding.

———-[Photograph added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

The Indianapolis Star
(Indianapolis, Indiana)
-Apr 29, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
-May 1, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The Indianapolis News
Indianapolis, Indiana
-Apr 28, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Mother Jones in West Virginia Military Bastille, 1913
http://www.wvculture.org/…
Mother Jones, Military Bastile,
Walsenburg Cellar Cell, Colorado, 1914
https://archive.org/…
Mother Jones on Cover of United Mine Workers Journal
of Jan 21, 1915 (Repaired by JtC-thank you, kind sir!)
http://books.google.com/…
Mother Jones on train, Winnipeg Tribune of June 5, 1914
http://www.newspapers.com/…

See also:

ACM: The West Virginia Court-Martial of Mother Jones
by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones from Cellar Cell, “Let my friend,
General Francisco Villa know..” by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Google search: Hellraisers journal + cold cellar cell
(DK search not working.)
https://www.google.com/…

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones to Chicago F. of L:
Iron Workers Must Be Freed from Leavenworth by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

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The Children of Mother Jones by Pete Duffy

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Tuesday May 2, 1915
From the Voices of Labor: Father Hagerty Offers a Chart of Industrial Organization

Hellraisers Journal: Father Hagerty’s Wheel of “Perfect Industrial Unionism” Offered for Study

Father Hagerty’s Wheel as it appeared in the April 20th edition of Miners Magazine.
“““““

You ought to be out raising hell. This is the fighting age. Put on your fighting clothes.
-Mother Jones“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Tuesday May 2, 1915
From the Voices of Labor: Father Hagerty Offers a Chart of Industrial Organization

In preparation for the upcoming convention of Industrial Unionist to be held in Chicago in June, Father Thomas J. Hagerty has proposed a chart which outlines a possible structure for the new labor organization which the convention intends to establish.

Father Hagerty’s Wheel as it appeared in the April 20th edition of Miners Magazine.
“““““

Father Hagerty’s chart was included in this month’s edition of the American Labor Union’s Voice of Labor along with the recommendation that the chart be studied as a model of “perfect Industrial Unionism:

FATHER HAGERTY’S “WHEEL OF FORTUNE”
The Structure of Industrial SystemA labor organization to correctly represent the working class must have two things in view.

First-It must combine the wage-workers in such a way that it can most successfully fight the battles and protect the interests of the working people of today in their struggle for fewer hours, more wages and better conditions.

Secondly-It must offer a final solution of the labor problem-an emancipation from strike, injunctions, bull-pens and scabbing of one against the other.

Study the Chart and observe how this organization will give recognition to control of shop affairs, provide perfect Industrial Unionism, and converge the strength of all organized workers to a common center, from which any weak point can be strengthened and protected.

Observe, also, how the growth and development of this organization will build up within itself the structure of an Industrial Democracy-a Workers’ Co-Operative Republic-which must finally burst the shell of capitalist government and be the agency by which the workers will operate the industries, and appropriate the products to themselves.

One obligation for all.

A union man once and in one industry, a union man always and in all industries.

Universal emblem.

All workers of one industry in one union; all unions of workers in one big labor alliance the world over.

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

Rebel Voices
An IWW Anthology
-ed by Joyce L. Kornbluh
Charles H Kerr Publishing, 1988

Father Thomas J Haggerty
http://www.iww.org/…

Image
http://www.gutenberg.org/…

See also:
Conference of Industrial Unionist
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Note:

I made this edition of Hellraisers Journal short, thinking that Daily Kos was going to be down this morning. But I have continued to research, and more will be revealed later. Hagerty is found as a signer of the Manifesto and Convention Call as a representative of the American Labor Union. I believe that he was editor of the the ALU’s Voice of Labor by this time, but, sadly, the Voice of Labor has not yet found its way online, and I am unable, at this time, to verify exactly when he became the editor of the Voice of Labor. The American Labor Journal merged with the Railway Employees Journal to become the Voice of Labor in January of 1905.

On the spelling of Hagerty’s name: notwithstanding that his name is spelled “Haggerty” at the IWW web site, I am now prepared to say that his name should be spelled “Hagerty.” Hagerty’s wheel appeared in the May 1905 issue of the Voice of Labor signed: Thos. J. Hagerty. His name also appears as Hagerty in the stenographic report of the founding convention of the IWW.

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One Big Industrial Union – May Day Chorus of Asheville

PAINT ‘ER RED!

Come with us you workingmen and join the rebel band
Come you discontented ones and lend a helping hand
We march against the parasite to drive him from the land
With One Big Industrial Union

Chorus:
Hurrah! hurrah! we’re gonna paint ‘er red!
Hurrah! hurrah! The way is clear ahead!
We’re gaining shop democracy and liberty and bread
With One Big Industrial Union.

In factory and field and mine we gather in our might
We’re on the job and know the way to win our hardest fight
For the beacon that shall guide us out of darkness into light
Is One Big Industrial Union.

Come on you fellows, get in line, we’ll fill the boss with fears
Red’s the colour of our flag, it’s stained with blood and tears,
We’ll flout it in his ugly mug and raise our loudest cheers
For One Big Industrial Union.

“Slaves”, they call us, “working plugs”, inferior by birth
But when we hit their pocketbooks, we’ll spoil their smiles of mirth
We’ll stop their dirty dividends and drive them from the earth
With One Big Industrial Union.

We hate their rotten system more than any mortals do
Our aim is not to patch it up but build it all anew
And what we’ll have for government when finally we’re through
Is One Big Industrial Union.
-Ralph Chaplin/Elmer Rumbaugh

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Monday May 3, 1915
From the Appeal to Reason: H. G. Creel Series on the Walsh Commission in Texas

Hellraisers Journal: Landlords want tenant farmers with plenty of “force,” meaning little children.

Monday May 3, 1915
From the Appeal to Reason: H. G. Creel Series on the Walsh Commission in Texas

Today’s Hellraisers presents the third installment of H. G. Creel’s coverage of the investigation made by the Commission on Industrial Relations into the conditions of tenant farmers in Texas and Oklahoma. The Walsh Commission was in session in Dallas in March and heard remarkable testimony of the wretched conditions under which the tenant farmers live, notwithstanding the back-breaking toil undertaken by the entire family, from small children to aged elders.Creel maintains that the plutocrats hate the Walsh Commission because of the relentless questioning of witnesses by Chairman Frank P. Walsh. We have reprinted the entire article by H. G. Creel below the fold.

From the Appeal to Reason of May 1, 1915:

Why the Plutes Hate the Walsh Commission

BY H. G. CREEL,

Staff Correspondent Appeal to Reason.
———-

Frank P Walsh
“““““

LESLIE’S WEEKLY and other reactionary organs are demanding that the United States industrial relations commission be dissolved. The following testimony, brought out before the Dallas hearings of the commission, shows why capitalism fears the commission.When Pat Nagle, the prominent Socialist of Oklahoma, took the stand, he read letters from a number of landlords to their agents. One was from J. W. Newcomb of Ardmore, telling his agent that future tenants must have plenty of “force.” The term “force” among southern landlords means children too young to rebel and too weak to resist oppression. Large, Rooseveltian families of illiterate children are preferred.

Continuing, Nagle produced some photographs that all but pulled members of the commission from their seats. The case was that of an 82-year-old invalid woman, a tenant, in Kingfisher county. Her ancestors fought in the revolutionary war, the war of 1812 and in the civil war. She and her husband came to Oklahoma 20 years ago, where they homesteaded land. Her husband’s death, sickness and the resulting invalidism took the homestead from her and gave it into the hands of Fred Lankard, a landlord of Kingfisher, Okla. Alone, forsaken and utterly helpless the aged woman was set out into the middle of the country road by Lankard and his agents. It was the photographs of this eviction, together with a recital of the case, that sent a tremor over commission and auditors.

[Said Nagle:]Don’t misunderstand me…I am not attacking Mr. Lankard personally. He is doing what many other landlords are doing and none of them do it because they want to. I know Mr. Lankard. We are neighbors. I know him to be a “good ” man and a patriotic one. But when business interests are involved the patriotic man says to his patriotism. “Goodbye; I’ll meet you July fourth.” If it’s religion that interferes with his business he says to his religion, “Meet me in church at ten-thirty next Sunday morning. I’m too busy to bother with you in business hours.”

He told how Oklahoma nightriders shoot Johnson grass seed into the soil, destroying thousands of dollars, worth of property in a few hours.

Fewer Births, Advises Professor.Nagle was followed by Professor Charles B. Austin of the University of Texas. The gist of his testimony has already been given in these columns. He declared that landlords were not responsible for the plight of tenants, but threw the blame on physicians who do not instruct renters how to keep down the birth rate, upon preachers who tell of a home beyond the sky and fail to mention betterment of the home on earth and declared that storekeepers who inveigle tenants into unnecessary purchases were even more responsible than landlords. By trying to shield the owners of rented property he condemned the entire capitalist system.

Professor Austin declared that foreign born tenants rented pieces of land and became owners in one generation. Austin is a landlord.

Usury in Oklahoma.E. J. Giddings, and Oklahoma City lawyer and counsel for the Farmers’ Protective Association, declared that tenant farmers remain poor because they pay out from one-third to one-fourth for rent. “No business can endure,” he said, “if it pays out one-half its gross income for rent. Yet that is what thousands of farmers must do and then they’re reviled because they do not become well fixed.” He declared that Oklahoma farmers now owe $60,000,000 to Oklahoma banks, $20,000,000 of which is usury. When asked for a remedy he suggested education and religion with a law against banks that practice usury. In face of his admission that the Oklahoma legislature has refused to pass an adequate usury law he declared that he was still a democrat and looked to the democratic party for relief for members of the organization that employs him as its counsel.

[He advised:]Something should be done about the Indian land, too…The government gives land to the Indian and then he refuses to work. He rents to a white man and this is the way it works out: The white tenant sets to work and improves the place. Perhaps he sinks a well. The next year his Indian landlord says, “the place has a well on it now and it is worth more money than last year. I’m going to raise your rent.” The incompetent Indian’s land should be sold and his money invested for him by the government in good securities. The competent Indian’s land should be sold and he should be compelled to shift for himself the same as the white man.

A note passed to Chairman Walsh suggested that perhaps Mr. Giddings could tell from whom the Indian landlord learned the trick of raising rents after tenants had improved the property, but Walsh failed to put the question.

Landlord Contradicts Others.A. Tom Padgett, a landlord of Coleman county, Texas, told the commission that he owned 12,000 acres of Texas land, all of which is rented. He flatly contradicted most of the previous witnesses, saying that tenants have good chances of becoming owners and that landlords encourage and help them to enter the owning class. He told the commission he knew no defects in the present system of renting land and could suggest no improvements. In the next breath he admitted that both women and children work in his fields and that children begin contributing to his support when they reach the age of eight. He also declared that he made a special effort to get large families.

Chairman Walsh asked about housing conditions. “Are there any screens in the houses occupied by your tenants?” he questioned.

“No.” sneered Padgitt, “screens wouldn’t stay in the windows 24 hours if we put them there.”

“How do you know? Have you tried it?” asked Walsh.

“We’ve tried-no, we’ve never tried it,” weakly responded the landlord.

What Capitalism Fears.It is such things as this, Chairman Walsh’s effort to get the truth about conditions, that brings the rancor of capitalist papers upon him. Had he allowed Padgitt’s statement to go unchallenged, leaving the inference that farm tenants prefer not to have screens in their houses he would be considered a “fair” chairman.

It was in 1912 that Padgitt refused to rent land to Socialists. This brought him into prominence in Texas land owning circles and was one of the reasons the commission questioned him. His testimony along this line will be given next week.

[Photograph added.]

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Herr Glessner Creel
“““““

SOURCE
Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas)
-May 1, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…IMAGES

Plucked by Plutocrats from the
Tenant Farmer of Oct 1914
http://gateway.okhistory.org/…
Frank P. Walsh from Harpers Weekly
of Sept 27, 1913
http://books.google.com/…
Herr Glessner Creel
https://books.google.com/…

See also:

Tag: Tenant Farmers
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Industrial relations: final report and testimony
-United States. Commission on Industrial
Relations,
-Francis Patrick Walsh, Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Vol 9:
https://books.google.com/…
8949-The Land Question in the Southwest
https://books.google.com/…
Vol. 10
https://books.google.com/…
9057-9290-The Land Question in the Southwest-
Continued
https://books.google.com/…
9059-Testimony of Mr. Patrick S. Nagle.
https://books.google.com/…
9077-Testimony of Prof. Charles B. Austin
https://books.google.com/…
9095-Testimony of Mr. E. J. Giddings.
https://books.google.com/…
9102-Testimony of Mr. J. Tom Padgitt.
https://books.google.com/…

Appeal Socialist Classics, No. 8
Socialism and the Farmer
-ed by W. J. Ghent
Girard, Kansas, 1916
https://archive.org/…

Tricks of the Press, A Lecture
-by H. G. Creel
National Rip-Saw Publishing Co, 1911
https://books.google.com/…

More Books by Herr Glessner Creel
https://www.google.com/…

A letter from Debs to Creel
https://books.google.com/…

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We Have Fed You All For A Thousand Years-Jack Herranen and the Lower 9th Ward

We have fed you all for a thousand years-
For that was our doom, you know,
From the days when you chained us in your fields
To the strike of a week ago.
You have taken our lives, and our babies and wives,
And we’re told it’s your legal share;
But if blood be the price of your lawful wealth
Good God! We have bought it fair.
-by Unknown Proletarian, 1908

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Tuesday May 4, 1915
Trinidad, Colorado – Strikers’ Hero John Lawson Found Guilty, Given Life Sentence

Hellraisers Journal: John Lawson, Hero of Colorado Coalfield Strike, Sentenced to Life in Prison

It is a privilege and a duty even by sacrifice
to advance our priceless cause.
I am therefore ready to receive the sentence this court should declare itself
without either authority, right or justification to impose.
-John R Lawson
“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Tuesday May 4, 1915
Trinidad, Colorado – Strikers’ Hero John Lawson Found Guilty, Given Life Sentence

Strikers Policy Committee of U. M. W. A.
John McLennan, President District 15; E. L. Doyle, Secretary-Treasurer District 15;
John R. Lawson, International Board Member from District 15; Frank J. Hayes, International Vice-President
“““““

John Lawson was found guilty of the murder of the deputized company mine guard, John Nimmo, yesterday in Trinidad, Colorado. The jury spared him the death penalty, and imposed a sentence of life in prison. Before the sentencing, Lawson issued a long statement which Hellraisers will publish in full tomorrow.From South Dakota’s Lead Daily Call of May 3rd:

LAWSON GUILTY OF FIRST DEGREE MURDER
———-

Jury Arrived at a Verdict
This Afternoon and Fixes Penalty
at Life Imprisonment
———-
By Associated Press-TRINIDAD, COLO., May 3.-The jury trying the case of John R. Lawson, charged with the murder of John Nemmo [Nimmo], a deputy sheriff, on October 25, 1913, this afternoon returned to court with a verdict of first degree murder, fixing the penalty at life imprisonment.

John R. Lawson was charged with the murder of John Nimmo, a deputy of Las Animas county who was killed in a battle between deputies and striking coal miners near Ludlow on October 25, 1913. Lawson is the member of the International executive board of the United Mine Workers of America for District No. 15. He was one of the prominent leaders in the recent coal miners’ strike in Colorado.

———-[Photograph added.]

Below the fold we offer press coverage of the trial leading up to the verdict.

From the Chicago Day Book of May 3rd:

From the Lead Daily Call of April 30, 1915:

JOHN R. LAWSON TAKES THE STAND
———-

Labor Leader Goes on the Stand
in His Own Defense Today.

By Associated Press-

John Lawson with Louie Tikas during the strike.
“““““

TRINIDAD, COLO., April 30.-John R. Lawson, who is on trial for the alleged murder of John Nimmo, a deputy sheriff, in the battle of Ludlow on October 25, 1913, took the stand today in his own defense. Previously John Barulie testified that he had driven Charles Snyder and Pat Murphy to Ludlow that afternoon and to the tent colony, arriving at the latter place between 6:30 and 7 o’clock, and that no shots had been fired at them; that he did not see Lawson until he had reached the colony. Snyder, who had been called by the state previously, testified that he had reached the vicinity about 4 o’clock and that he had seen Lawson coming from the railroad cut, where the strikers had been stationed during the battle.Lawson testified that he had counselled the strikers to obey the law and to refrain from violence. He said that he had imported arms and ammunition to the tent colony after he had received legal advice to the effect that it was permissible to defend it.

———-[Photograph added.]

From the Lead Daily Call of May 1, 1915:

LAWSON CASE IS NEAR END
———-

John Lawson with Mother Jones

It Will Probably Be Given to Jury
Late Today—
Crimes For Which He May Be Convicted
———-TRINIDAD, COLO., May 1.-John R. Lawson, the labor leader, charged with murder in connection with the killing of Deputy Sheriff Nimmo at Ludlow during the strike battle of October 25, 1913, may be convicted of first or second degree murder, voluntary manslaughter or acquitted, according to the instructions given by the judge to the jury. The instructions preceded the closing arguments of counsel. The case may be given to the jury late today.

Assistant Attorney General West, in his argument, asked that the jury impose the death penalty, if it should find Lawson guilty of first degree murder.

———-[Photograph added.]

From the Wichita Beacon of April 26, 1915:

~~~~~~~~~~SOURCE
Lead Daily Call
(Lead, South Dakota)
-Apr 30, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
-May 1, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
-May 3, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Colorado Coalfield Strike of 1913-14,
Strikers Policy Committee
https://archive.org/…
John Lawson with Olive and Fern
from Day Book of April 23, 1915, Last Edition
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Principals in the Lawson trial from the
Chicago Day Book of May 3, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
John Lawson with Louie Tikas during the strike.
http://ludlowsymposium.wordpress.com/…
John Lawson & Mother Jones,
Wichita Beacon, Kansas, Apr 22, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
John R Lawson at Ludlow followed by guard,
Wichita Beacon, Apr 26, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

See also:

John Lawson Trial + JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Battle of Ludlow + JayRaye + Oct 2013
http://www.dailykos.com/…

The American Labor Year Book, Volume 1
Rand School of Social Science, 1916
https://books.google.com/…
The Lawson Case
https://books.google.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Dedicated to John Lawson and Louie Tikas,
Heroes of the Colorado Coalfield Strike of 1913-14

Working Class Hero – John Lennon

Yes , A Working Class Hero is something to be
If you want to be a hero well just follow me
If you want to be a hero well just follow me
-John Lennon

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Wednesday May 5, 1915
Trinidad, Colorado – John R. Lawson Releases Statement Upon Receiving Life Sentence

Hellraisers Journal: Lawson, “I shall fight for these principles as hard as I can, in jail or out.”

They can put me in jail until the walls crumble, but they cannot stifle
the cause for which I stand or destroy the great
struggle in the interest of humanity.
-John R. Lawson“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Wednesday May 5, 1915
Trinidad, Colorado – John R. Lawson Releases Statement Upon Receiving Life Sentence

Early on Monday afternoon, May 3rd, John Lawson was convicted of murder and given a sentence of life in prison. Shortly thereafter, he made the following statement to reporters gathered at his hotel in Trinidad:

John Lawson with Olive and Fern from Day Book of April 23, 1915, Last Edition

Statement of John R. Lawson
After Sentencing:

I’ll give you a statement. The verdict verifies my statement to the Industrial Relations Committee in Denver before the committee went east. At that time I told them that John D. Rockefeller could take the life, liberty, and destroy the property of any man who opposed him. He has demonstrated that he is greater than government and higher than the law. They can put me in jail until the walls crumble, but they cannot stifle the cause for which I stand or destroy the great struggle in the interest of humanity. I shall fight for these principles as hard as I can, in jail or out, as long as I live. There is no compromise on this job. Justice and right will and must prevail in the end.

After the reporters left him alone with his attorney, Horace N. Hawkins, Lawson said, “I’m going to call Olive now; she ought to know.”Hawkins advised Lawson to take care with what he told her, and Lawson replied:

Don’t worry; she has been brought up as the wife of a union man and a miner. She’s gone through this struggle with me, and she’ll know this is just part of it. Thank God Fern is to young to really understand what it is all about.

From The Indianapolis Star of May 4, 1915:

LAWSON IS GIVEN LIFE SENTENCE
—–

Executive Board Member of United Mine Workers Found Guilty
of Murder for Killing of John Nimmo Last October.
—–
CONVICTED MAN COMMENTS
—–
Says “They May Get Me, but They Can’t Defeat the Cause of Labor”-
Case Has Attracted National Attention.
——

John R Lawson

Horace N Hawkins

TRINIDAD, Col., MAY 3.-John R. Lawson, member of the international executive board of the United Mine Workers of America, today was found guilty of murder in the first degree in connection with the death at Ludlow, Col., Oct. 25, 1913, of John Nimmo, a deputy sheriff. Lawson was sentenced to spend the remainder of his life at hard labor in the Colorado Penitentiary.Under the Colorado statutes, the jury, which had been deliberating since Saturday night, was empowered to return a sentence either of death or life imprisonment. Thirty days were given attorneys for the defense to file a motion for a new trial.

Released on $20,000 Bond.Judge Hillyer announced that the labor leader would be released on $20,000 bond pending action on his motion for new trial. Lawson’s former bond in Las Animas County was $15,000. The new bond was arranged for at a conference between Judge Hillyer and Horace N. Hawkins, Chief Counsel for the defense. Lawson remained at a local hotel and talked quite philosophically of the verdict. He said:

They may get me, but they can’t defeat the cause of labor. Im not worrying about myself-it’s the fight I have been making for the working man that I am interested in, and that will go ahead. Even for me it’s a long way to the penitentiary. My attorneys will not give up until everything possible has been done to save me.

Lawson sent a message to his wife telling her of the verdict. Mrs. Lawson, an invalid suffering from nervous breakdown, is in Los Angeles.

Contrary to Evidence.Commenting on the verdict. Horace N. Hawkins, chief counsel for the defense, said:

I do not believe the verdict ever will be sustained. It is contrary to the evidence. I shall fight this case as long as there are courts in which to fight.

[Article continues…]
[Photographs added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

Out of the Depths
The Story of John R. Lawson, a Labor Leader
-by Barron B. Beshoar
(1st ed 1942)
CO, 1980
http://books.google.com/…

The Indianapolis Star
(Indianapolis, Indiana)
-May 4, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
John Lawson with Olive and Fern
from Day Book of April 23, 1915, Last Edition
http://www.newspapers.com/…
John R Lawson, 1915
http://www.loc.gov/…
Horace N Hawkins
https://ludlowsymposium.wordpress.com/…

See also:

John Lawson Trial + JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Battle of Ludlow + JayRaye + Oct 2013
http://www.dailykos.com/…

The American Labor Year Book, Volume 1
Rand School of Social Science, 1916
https://books.google.com/…
The Lawson Case
https://books.google.com/…

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We’re Coming Colorado-John McCutcheon

The Union forever, hurrah boys, hurrah!
Down with the gunthugs, and up with the law;
For we’re coming, Colorado, we’re coming all the way,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Union.
-Frank Hayes

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Friday May 7, 1915
From the Chicago Day Book: Mrs. Lawson Predicts Verdict Will Be Set Aside

Hellraisers Journal: His Wife and His Union Speak Out About Life Sentence Given to John R Lawson

What is the use of an alibi when the coal companies
want to persecute or crucify a man who has been
loyal to the cause of labor.
-Frank J Hayes“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Friday May 7, 1915
From the Chicago Day Book: Mrs. Lawson Predicts Verdict Will Be Set Aside

From The Day Book of May 5th:

MRS. LAWSON CALLS HUSBAND’S VERDICT AN OUT RAGE-
“IT WILL BE PUT ASIDE.”

Los Angeles, Cal., May 5.-“We’ll return to him now,” said Mrs. John R. Lawson today, speaking for her invalid self and her young daughter Fern, who were sent by the labor leader to friends here to escape the strain of the murder trial at Trinidad.

I have not slept since I received John’s telegram stating that he was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment.My daughter and I have not lost confidence. They never will send him to the penitentiary This verdict will be put aside.

Why, I am entirely familiar with every side of the case and the verdict is an outrage. My husband was 12 miles from where the deputy was killed that day. I am astounded over the verdict.

Ten million laboring men are crying for justice for my husband. I am proud to say that the workingmen by whom he stood when they needed a leader and friend are returning his friendship by their loyalty to him in this crisis.

Mrs. Lawson suffered a complete nervous collapse at the time of the Ludlow massacre, a year ago last month. The suffocation of innocent women and children in the “death hole” so unnerved her that she has never recovered her former health. Despite her weakened condition she insisted upon remaining at her husband’s side throughout the remainder of the famous strike, until his trial for murder was scheduled. Fearing a verdict of guilty returned under her very eyes might again prostrate her, Lawson prevailed upon her to come here for comparative peace and quiet.[Photograph added.]

From the same edition of The Day Book,

we are pleased to be able to republish a photograph of two heroines from the Ludlow Tent Colony who testified at the trial on behalf of John Lawson:

From the United Mine Workers Journal of May 6, 1915:

John R. Lawson, International Board Member, Convicted
—–
Hired Judge “Delivers the Goods”
—–

Evidence of Baldwin-Feltz Detectives Admitted.
Linderfelt, the “Baby Butcher,”
a Witness for the State.

Trinidad, Colo., May 3.

In the court of Granby C. Hillyer, the mine owners’ attorney, who was appointed special judge to try the miners’ representatives against whom the mine owners desire convictions. John R. Lawson, International Board member of District 15, was found guilty and sentenced to the State prison for life.The charge against John Lawson is based on the fact that a mine guard, John Nimmo, was killed in an attack upon the camp of the striking miners, at Ludlow. That time the mine owners’ army was driven back, and the tent homes of the miners were saved for the time.

There is no doubt but that the destruction of the tent colony was intended, at that time; but because the miners resisted, defended their homes from the hireling band of murderers, John R. Lawson, the strike leader, was marked for the vengeance of the mine owners. What their hired gunmen had failed to accomplish was left in the hands of their hired judge. The records of the case against Lawson are unique. Never in the history of American jurisprudence was such open bias shown from the bench in a supposed court of justice. Hillyer, the coal companies’ attorney on the bench, was absolutely shameless. He was there to convict; he delivered the goods.

Monte Linderfelt, who afterwards accomplished the deed intended when Nimmo was killed, the destruction of the tent colony, and the murder of the women and babies in the colony, Linderfelt, “the butcher,” was one of the witnesses for the State.

He, the known murderer of men, women and children, a witness against John R. Lawson, the gentle, big-hearted leader of the Colorado miners! Linderfelt unmolested! Lawson convicted! Can Justice be further prostituted by Wealth?

The witnesses for the prosecution were known as detectives in the employ of the Rockefeller corporation. At that, the only thing they could prove was that Lawson was in charge of the tent colony at the time the attempt was made to rush the camp. There was absolutely no evidence that he ever shot; nor did the prosecution attempt to prove he was directly the cause of mine guard Nimmo’s death. The intent was, in part, to set aside the verdict of “Public Opinion,” before which court the mine owners stand convicted of the unspeakable outrages perpetrated during the strike.

To this end, Company Attorney Hillyer was appointed special judge. To this end the detectives, mine guards, were trained in their evidence. Many of these mine guards admitted on the witness stand that their evidence was paid for. Nevertheless, it was admitted.

Notice of appeal has been given, and Mr. Lawson has been released on bonds pending this appeal.

Lawson talked philosophically of the verdict.

He said:

They may get me, but they can’t defeat the cause of labor. I’m not worrying about myself—it’s the fight I have been making for the workingmen that I am interested in—and that will go ahead. Even for me, it’s a long way to the penitentiary. My attorneys will not give up until every thing possible has been done to save me.

Commenting on the verdict, Horace N. Hawkins, chief counsel for the defense, said:

I do not believe the verdict ever will be sustained. It is contrary to the evidence. I shall fight this case as long as there are courts in which to fight.

Late tonight Attorney Hawkins issued an additional statement, in which he said: Rockefeller’s lawyers worked up the evidence against Lawson, and Rockefeller’s detectives testified in the case to secure conviction. The verdict is an unspeakable out rage. The conviction is stirring the nation. Telegrams are pouring in on us from all over the country.

A JUDICIAL OUTRAGE.
—–
Possible Only in Colorado’s Corporation-Owned Courts.
(By Frank J. Hayes.)

Strikers Policy Committee, United Mine Workers of America
John McLennan, President District 15; E. L. Doyle, Secretary-Treasurer District 15;
John R. Lawson, International Board Member from District 15; Frank J. Hayes, International Vice-President.

The verdict in the John R. Lawson case in Colorado is a disgrace to American jurisprudence. This infamous verdict proves conclusively that there is no law in the coal fields of Colorado, and that the coal companies absolutely dominate every phase of life in that region. For instance, although thirty-eight of our men, women and children were brutally murdered during the progress of the strike by imported thugs in the employ of the coal companies, not a single indictment was ever returned against these professional murderers—they were not even brought to trial.Although 1,000 men have been killed in the coal mines of Colorado in the last several years, due to the neglect of the coal companies in disregarding the mining laws of the State, not a single cent of damages was ever given by a jury to the dependents of those so killed; proving, conclusively, that the coal companies dictate the civil as well as the criminal verdicts in that territory.

What about the massacre of the women and children at Ludlow by the subsidized militia and gunmen, the majority of whom were proven to be in the employ of the coal companies? Not a single one of these murderers was ever brought to trial, and, furthermore, they never will be because the coal companies will not permit it. It is hard to believe that such a state of affairs could exist anywhere in America, and it is difficult to get the average American to understand such a condition. The procedure in the courts of Southern Colorado can not be equalled anywhere in the civilized world. Darkest Russia is a haven of refuge compared to the conditions that prevail in that region. I cannot believe that the American people will stand by and see an innocent man sentenced to the penitentiary for life.

I know Lawson intimately, and was associated with him during the greater part of the Colorado strike. I know him to be a man of gentle nature, of superb character and the last man in the world who would advocate violence as a means to an end. It was proven beyond peradventure of doubt in the trial that Lawson was not within miles of the place where Nimmo, the armed guard of the coal companies, was killed, but what is the use of an alibi when the coal companies want to persecute or crucify a man who has been loyal to the cause of labor.

The United Mine Workers of America will not submit to this diabolical conspiracy to railroad Lawson to the penitentiary, and unless he is accorded fair treatment and vindicated, the mine workers will most assuredly call another strike in Colorado as a protest against the tyrannical conditions that prevail in that State. We have evidence that agents of the coal companies offered large sums of money to get people to testify against Lawson. Two detectives in the trial testified that they were paid to assist in the persecution of Lawson and others. This whole rotten chapter will be fully exposed if we secure a new trial, and some of the people who have tried to railroad Lawson to prison will go there themselves if there is any justice in the United States.

The United Mine Workers of America will make an issue out of this case, and we are going to find out once and for all whether Colorado is in the United States or in Mexico.

A bill of exception will be immediately filed by our attorneys, and we feel hopeful that the Supreme Court will reverse this infamous verdict.

[Photographs added.]

From the Journal’s Italian language section:

Lawson Condannato

John Lawson and Mother Jones
“““““

John R. Lawson, membro del consiglio nazionale dell’Unione dei minatori per il distretto No. 15, venne trovato colpevole da una mandra di giurati di Trinidad, Colo., di aver cooperate all’uccisione di una guardia mineraria durante il passato sciopero, e condannato all’ergastolo in vita. A nulla valsero le testimonianze di persone rispettabili comprovanti luminosamente l’innocenza dell’accusato; le menzogne degli abirri ebbero più peso sulla bilancia della giustizia.

Questa feroce condanna che segue a pochi giorni di distanza l’altra altrettanto feroce inflitta a Luigi Zuncanelli, accusato di avere purgato questo mondo da una carogna di spia, dimostra da quali sentimenti di rancore e di vendetta siano animate le omnipossenti compagnie minerarie del Colorado contro i membri dell’Unione, di cui vorrebbero vedere soppresso Pultimo vestigio. Agli unionisti il capestro e l’ergastolo, agli assassini degli innocenti le ricompense e le medaglie al valore!

Ma ci vuol ben altro per frenare ed arrestare il movimento di redenzione nei campi della schiavitù industríale. Il grosso dell’esercito non si ferma a guardare i colpiti, ma procede baldo e fiducioso verso la vittoria.

La sentenza sarà appellate, e speriamo che in un aere più sereno, la giustizia si liberi dalle bende del pregiudizio e dell’ignoranza.

* * *
Commentando in termini non equivoci la sentenza, il nostro Vice-Presidente Frank J. Hayes, dopo avere constatato la differenza di trattamento usata dai giudici del Colorado verso le compagnie minerarie e i membri della nostra unione, la proclama una vergogna infame, e dichiara che l’Unione dei minatori è pronta ad adoperare tutti i mezzi a sua disposizione per ottenere la revisione del processo e l’annullamento del verdetto.[Photograph added.]

From the Journal’s Slovak language section:

Coloradská Spravedlivost

John R Lawson
“““““

Ze Coloradská vláda je v rukach bohatych uhelnych majitefov musíme to uznat za skutocnú pravdu. Dñes doslá zpráva z tohoto státu, ze John R. Lawson, ktory je clenom Národného Vykonného Vyboru nasej unie, bol posúdeny na zivot do vazenia. On bol obzalovany z vrazdy jedného najatca napornej strany pol menom Nimmo, a bez predlozenia direktnych dokazov bol posúdeny.

Kazdomu je znamo, ze vo Colorado jestvovalá civilná válka pocas nedávnej stávky. Vskutku nakedy stávka vypuklá uhel’né spolocnosti pocalí dovazat deputov, a puskárov, ktorí za tridsát striebornych, tie najukrutnejsie nasílstva prevádzali. Na strajkerov strielali bez priciny, ich manzelky urazovalí, a posledne, spalili ku zemy Ludlowskú osadu. Nuz pamätame, ako ked’ by sa to bolo stálo iba vcera, jakym ukrutnym prostriedkom povrazdilí dvadsiat osob, z ktorych viacsina boly malé nevinné dietky. Potom tito nestedomiti najatci podpalili siatry ponad hlavami ich obetov, 6o bolo najhorsím zlocinom spachanym nad spojenym robotníctvom od prehlásenia neodvislosti Spojenych. Státov.

Co mali tito ubohy, prenasledovaní strajkeri ro- bit? Ich vykoristovatelia nielen ze ich prenasledovali, ale ich aj vrazdili. Za jaku prícinu. Nuz za jaku? Len zato, ze prestali pracovat. V tomto prenasledovaní a vrazdení, strajkujúci majneri obratilí sa na vrchnosti státu, ale prekvapení boly, ked sbadalí, ze panujúca trieda vladnilá vrchnosti státu, a tieto vrchnosti schválovali vrazdenie zenov a dietkov. Ochrany pre strajkerov nebolo, keó? ich manzelky a dietky nepriatelia vrazdili. Nuz museli sa bránit. Zakonnitym spôsobom branili sa, a aj svojich milovanych od predcasnej smrti. Ale predsa mnoho s nych stali sa obetami na oltare mamony.

Vrahovia tychto dietkov Ludlowskych zijú teraz. Sú medzi nami. Ziadon trest ich neohrozuje. A precoze. Preto bo sluzilí panujúcej triede. Ajhl’a, sluzilí bohatym spolocnosfiam, a ich sluzba pozostavalá z vrazdenia zotrocench robotníkov, ktorí domáhali sa svobody priemyselnej.

Lawson je nevinny. On bol vodcom strajkerov. To je jeho jediny zloáin, zaco kapitál chce ho popravit. Pred súdom naporná strana nemohla dokazat’, ze Lawson zavrazdil Nimmoho. Pravda, Nimmo bol streleny do nohy, od ktorej rany pozdejsi zomrel. Ale staré porekadlo hovorí, ze kto vladuje z mecom, ten zomre mecom. Nimmo bol puskárom. On bol ozbrojeny do zubov. Na strajke rov strielal, a nieni pochybnosti, ze on bol jeden z tych diablov, ktorí strielali a vrazdili nevinné dietky.

Stát Colorado je hanbou pre národ Americky. V tomto státe tie najhorsie zlociny boly spachané nad robotníctvom. Od rokov kapitál tu panuje s bicom, mecom, puskou a vazením, a robotníci su obetami.

V roku 1913 rudové baníci zastrajkovali, pocom povstalo prenasledovanie vodcov unie. Pettibona, Moyera a Haywooda uhel’né spolocnosti dali uvaznic, pocom usilovali sa ich popravic. Ale nepo- dárilo sa im doeiahnuf tohoto zlocinu nad robot níctvom. Odstrasení boly od ich pekeFného umyslu. Spojené robotníctvo po celej krajine hrozilo ich povstaním, a pre tu prícinu prepustilí robotníckych vodcov z vazenia.

V Colorade nieni spravedlivosti. Tam panuje to najhorsie otroctvo industrialne. Nuz prisiel ëas, ze zlocinné pokracovanie otrokarov musí byC za stavené. Povinnostou vlády Spojenych Státovzakrocit a ukoncif prenasledovanie obéanov tejto krajiny.

Lawson musí byf prepusteny, aj Robb a Rich ardson, ktorí taktiez nedávno boli posúdení bez ziadnej priciny.

Prezident Spojenych Státov mal by zakrocitf, abo Congress, a zabezpecit’ tymto prenasledovanym obcanom ich zarucené práva pod konstituciu tejze krajiny.

[Photograph added.]

“To Our Martyrs”
“““““`

~~~~~~~~~~SOURCES

Illinois » Chicago » The Day Book
-May 5, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The United Mine Workers Journal, Volume 23
Executive Board of the
United Mine Workers of America,
Dec 3, 1914-May 6, 1915
http://books.google.com/…
UMWJ May 6, 1915
http://books.google.com/…
UMWJ on Lawson Verdict, English
http://books.google.com/…
UMWJ Italian section
http://books.google.com/…
UMWF Slovak section
http://books.google.com/…

IMAGES
John Lawson with Olive and Fern from Day Book
of April 23, 1915, Last Edition
http://www.newspapers.com/…
John R Lawson with Pearl Jolly & Maggie Dominiske,
Day Book, May 5, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
UMWJ banner
http://books.google.com/…
1914 Strikers Policy Committee,
United Mine Workers of America
https://archive.org/…
UMWJ, Italian Section
http://books.google.com/…
John Lawson & Mother Jones,
Wichita Beacon, Kansas, Apr 22, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
UMWJ, Slovak Section, Apr 15, 1915
http://books.google.com/…
John R Lawson, 1915
http://www.loc.gov/…
Ludlow, To Our Martyrs, UMWJ, Apr 15, 1915
http://books.google.com/…

See also:

Testimony of Pearl Jolly before CIR
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Testimony of Maggie Dominiski before CIR
http://www.dailykos.com/…

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GOOGLE TRANSLATESGoogle detects Italian and translates:

Lawson Sentenced

John R Lawson with Louie Tikas
during the strike.
“““““

John R. Lawson, a board member of the National Union of miners for the District No. 15, was found guilty by a flock of jurors in Trinidad, Colo., Have cooperated in the killing of a guard during the past mining strike, and sentenced to life imprisonment in life. A time ignoring the testimony of respectable brightly proving the innocence of the accused; the lies of abirri had more weight on the scales of justice.This fierce condemnation following a few days of each other equally fierce inflicted on Louis Zuncanelli, accused of having purged the world from a carcass of light, shows by such feelings of resentment and revenge are the animated omnipossenti mining companies against Colorado Union members, which would like to see abolished Pultimo vestige. Unionists to the halter and a life sentence, in this killing of innocent rewards and medals for bravery!

But it takes more than that to slow down and stop the movement of redemption in the fields of the industrial slavery. The bulk of the army does not stop to look at the hit, but proceeds bold and confident towards victory.

The ruling will be appealed, and we hope that in a aere calmer, justice is free from the bandages of prejudice and ignorance.

Commenting in unequivocal terms the judgment, our Vice-President Frank J. Hayes, having found the difference of treatment used by the judges of Colorado to the mining companies and the members of our union, proclaims an infamous shame, and declares that the ‘Miners’ Union is ready to use all means at its disposal to obtain a new trial and the conviction being quashed.

[Photograph added.]

Google detects Slovak and translates:

Colorado Righteousness

John Lawson, years later,
at the Ludlow Monument.
“““““

Of Colorado government is in the hands of rich uhelnych majitefov we must recognize as the real truth. Today news came from the State of John R. Lawson, a member of the National Executive Committee of our Union, it has been judged to life in prison. He was charged with murder one najatca napornej Party pol named Nimmo, and without submitting evidence direktno been assessed.Kazdomu is known that the Colorado civil war existed during the recent strike. Indeed naked strike convex uhel’né company began to import Depute, a gunsmith who for thirty pieces of silver, the najukrutnejsie nasílstva to transfer. On strajkerov they fired without cause, their wives urazovalí and the last burned to zemy Ludlowskú settlement. Knife remembers how when this would have happened only yesterday how atrocious means massacred twenty persons, of which viacsina Boly small innocent little children. Then these nestedomiti najatci Šiatrom set fire over the heads of their victims, 6o was the worst crimes committed by the working class of the United declarations neodvislosti connection. Stat.

What have these poor, persecuted strajkeri ro- bit? Not only from their exploiters they pursued them, but they also murdered. For Jake cause. Knife for Jake? Only deemed to have stopped working. The persecution and murder, striking Majner turned the country nobility, but Boly surprised when sbadalí, the ruling class government suzerain state, and these landlords condoned murder Zenov and little children. Protection for strajkerov not, Keo? their wives and little children murdered enemies. Knife had to defend. Zakonnitym way to prevent to their loved ones and even from premature death. But still many of NYCHA become the sacrifices made mammon.

The murderers of these little ones Ludlowskych live now. They are among us. Ziadon sentence does not threaten. Wherefore then. Therefore it will serve the ruling class. Ajhl’a, served the Company can wealthy, and their services consisted of murdering zotrocench workers who demanded the freedom of industry.

Lawson’s innocent. He was a leader strajkerov. This is his only crime; zaco capital wants to execute him. Naporná party before the court could not prove ‘that murdered Lawson Nimmoho. True, Nimmo was shot in the leg, a wound from which the later died. But the old adage says that who governs from the sword, die by the sword that. Nimmo was a gunsmith. He was armed to the teeth. To strike ROV shoot, and Nien doubt that he was one of those devils who shot and murdered innocent little children.

State of Colorado is a disgrace to the nation of America. In this state, Boly the worst crimes committed by the working class. Since years there is capital there with a whip, by the sword, guns and weighing, and workers are victims.

In 1913, Ruda miners zastrajkovali, whereupon persecution arose union leaders. Pettibon, Moyer and Haywood uhel’né company gave uvaznic, whereupon pursue their popravic. But ANY THIRD prospered doeiahnuf the crime means of the robot. Boly deter them from pekeFného intentions. United working class throughout the country threatened their revolt, and for this cause workers’ leaders released from prison.

Colorado Nien righteousness. There exists the worst slavery Industriale. It came EAS knife that crime continued slavers must be of a sealed. Obligations of the Governments of the United Státovzakrocit ukoncif and persecution of citizens of this country.

Lawson has released byf, and Robb and Richardson who has also recently been assessing for no cause.

President of the United States should zakrocitf, abo Congress and ensure “this persecution of all its citizens under the Constitution guaranteed the right tejze country.

[Photograph added.]

IMAGES

John R Lawson with Louie Tikas during the strike.
http://ludlowsymposium.wordpress.com/…
John Lawson, years later, at the Ludlow Monument
https://ludlowsymposium.wordpress.com/…““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Which Side Are You On? – Tom Morello: The Nightwatchman

Across this great old nation
Tell me whatcha gonna do
When there’s one law for the rulers
And one law for the ruled?
-Florence Reese/Tom Morello

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Saturday May 8, 1915
From The New York Age: “Lincoln’s Son Claims Pullman Co. An Uplift”

Hellraisers Journal: Robert Lincoln Testifies Before Walsh Commission on Wages of Pullman Porters

Freedom is never given; it is won.
-A. Philip Randolph“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Saturday May 8, 1915
From The New York Age: “Lincoln’s Son Claims Pullman Co. An Uplift”

Rober T. Lincoln, son of President Lincoln, came before the Commission on Industrial Relations this past Tuesday and gave testimony regarding the wages of the Pullman Porters. Mr. Lincoln admitted that the wages of the porters are too low and that the Porters must depend on tips in order to make a living for themselves and their families.Sadly, Commission Garretson, President of the Order of Railway Conductors, in the process of questioning Mr. Lincoln, saw fit to degrade his fellow railway workers. The New York Age describes the questioning, and the response by Mr. Lincoln:

Commissioner Garretson, in questioning Mr. Lincoln, had to interject an insult to the vast body of worthy Negro men who serve as Pullman porters by referring to them as “coons,” and to his reference no exception was taken by the great emancipator’s son, or any other member of the commission. This came when Garretson asked Mr. Lincoln, “Then if tips are to be paid you believe in the corporation getting them instead of the ‘coon’?” to which the reply was given, “That is what it amounts to.”

From The New York Age of May 6, 1915:

LINCOLN’S SON CLAIMS
PULLMAN CO. AN UPLIFT
—–

Tells Federal Commission Co.
has Done Most to Uplift Negro Men
———-
TIPS REALLY TO COMPANY
——
Robert Lincoln, Former President of Pullman Co.,
Testifies That Salary Paid Porters is Too Low,
and if Law Prohibited Tips
Salaries Would be Raised Immediately by the Company.
—–

Special to THE NEW YORK AGE.

Robert Lincoln

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 5.-Robert T. Lincoln, son of the late President Abraham Lincoln, and a controlling factor in the destinies of the pullman Company, was a witness before the Federal Commission on Industrial Relations, Frank P. Walsh of Missouri, chairman, which opened a three weeks’ hearing on Monday in this city.Mr Lincoln declared that the Pullman Company has been “the one large element (outside of the learned professions) that has done more to uplift colored men.” Mr. Lincoln was president of the company from 1897 to 1911, while ill health necessitated his retirement, and he became chairman of the board of directors, which position he now holds. He declared that the matter of tips to Pullman porters was an old custom, but that it was not a nice arrangement and was very annoying. He acknowledged also that tips to porters were really tips to the company stockholders.

He said that if tips to porters were prohibited by law the company, without two minutes’ discussion of the matter, would immediately raise salaries. He said that salaries to conductors and porters were too low, that increases should be granted, and that it was a matter which would have the attention of the executive board of the Pullman Company at once.

Refers to Porters as “Coons.”

A. B. Garretson, President
Order of Railway Conductors
“““““

Commissioner Garretson, in questioning Mr. Lincoln, had to interject an insult to the vast body of worthy Negro men who serve as Pullman porters by referring to them as
“coons,” and to his reference no exception was taken by the great emancipator’s son, or any other member of the commission. This came when Garretson asked Mr. Lincoln, “Then if tips are to be paid you believe in the corporation getting them instead of the ‘coon’?” to which the reply was given, “That is what it amounts to.”On the origin of the tipping system Mr. Lincoln said that it was existing when he became president of the company, and was a condition found by George M. Pullman when he entered the business.

When Chairman Walsh brought up the subject of tips Mr. Lincoln sat straight up in his chair.

“That situation annoys me very much,” said Mr. Lincoln.

“Has this tipping habit always been as widespread in the United States as at present?” asked Chairman Walsh.

“I have no doubt of it,” replied Mr. Lincoln.

“Your porters get $27.50 a month. They are supposed to supplement their pay by getting tips from the public?” was asked.

“Might I put it this way?” suggested the witness. “We know they get tips.”

“Would you say that a man was able to retain his self-respect living under a system where he is forced to get gratuities in order to earn a living wage? Are not his morals corrupted by such a system?”

Not a Question of Morals.“I do not think it is a question of morals,” replied Mr. Lincoln. “They would get tips whatever wages were paid. They get such tips as a matter of fact for performing services not strictly in their line of duty as porters. You know the colored race is subject to great limitations in getting employment. I believe that outside of the learned professions, where they have made some progress, the one large element that has done more to uplift colored men has been afforded through employment by the Pullman company.”

“Do you think this service has uplifted them?”

“The tips are paid without regard to the amount of wages,” replied Mr. Lincoln. “If you increase their wages and they continue to get tips as at present they would get much more money. You can understand how that might not be desirable.”

Mr. Lincoln conceded, in reply to questions, that the wages of Pullman conductors and porters were too low; that increases should be granted, and that it was a matter that would have the attention of the executive board of the Pullman Company at once.

When told of the case of porter who testified that one month he had made $115, all of which except $27.50, was paid by the traveling public, Mr. Lincoln explained with a show of embarrassment:

“I do not think the arrangement is nice at all. It is an old custom.”

Tipping Never Prohibited.Mr. Lincoln added that the company had never attempted to prohibit the acceptance of tips. He expressed the belief that if tips were prohibited the porters “would be very much troubled.”

Mr. Lincoln said he had never heard of any dissatisfaction on the part of the traveling public to the payment of such gratuities. It was suggested to Mr. Lincoln that most social clubs prohibited the payment of tips.

“That is true,” he said. “But I find that in all the clubs I belong to I am invited once a year to contribute to the Christmas fund of the employees.”

“Are not the stockholders of the Pullman Company the real tip takers?” asked Commissioner Garretson.

“Really that is so,” answered Mr. Lincoln, smilingly.

“Then if tips are to be paid you believe in the corporation getting them instead of the ‘coon’?” observed Mr. Garretson.

“That is what it amounts to,” replied Mr. Lincoln.

The witness added in answer to another question that if tips were prohibited by the law, wages would be increased immediately.

“There would not be two minutes discussion over it,” he said.

[Photographs added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCE
The New York Age
(New York, New York)
-May 6, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Pullman Porters and Conductor, date unknown
http://projects.aljazeera.com/…
Robert T Lincoln in top hat
http://rogerjnorton.com/…
A. B. Garretson
http://en.wikipedia.org/…
Pullman Porters, date unknown
http://projects.aljazeera.com/…

See also:

Industrial relations: final report and testimony
United States. Commission on Industrial Relations
-ed by Francis Patrick Walsh, Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Volume 10: 9057-10,066
https://books.google.com/…
9663-Testimony of Mr. Robert T. Lincoln.
https://books.google.com/…
9677-Garretson degrades his fellow railway workers:
https://books.google.com/…

Tag: Pullman Porters
http://www.dailykos.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Pullman Porters Ride Again

Eye On The Prize – Sweet Honey In The Rock

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Sunday May 9, 1915
From the Appeal to Reason: Texas Landlord Admits to Evicting Socialist Tenants

Hellraisers Journal: Texas Landlord Evicts Socialists Tenants as a “menace to God and humanity.”

Sunday May 9, 1915
From the Appeal to Reason: Texas Landlord Admits to Evicting Socialist Tenants

Herr Glessner Creel
“““““

In this week’s Appeal to Reason, a H. G. Creel continues his series on the investigation conducted by the Commission on Industrial Relations into the conditions of the tenant farmers of Texas and Oklahoma. Hearings were held on the subject in Dallas in March, and from those hearings, Correspondent Creel introduces us to A. Tom Padgitt, a Texas landlord who so fears the Socialists that he causes them to be evicted from his land.The preachers, with few exceptions, approve of the anti-Socialist campaign. From one such preacher was issued this statement of support:

It will give me great pleasure to speak for you against Socialism. I congratulate you and your people on your stand against this menace to God and humanity.

Apparently, the destitution of the tenant farmers under the sharecropper system concerns these preachers not at all. Extreme poverty, it seems, is neither a menace to God nor to humanity.

From the Appeal to Reason of May 8, 1915:

Texas Landlords Fear Socialists

BY H. G. CREEL,

Staff Correspondent Appeal to Reason.

Several years ago it was reported that a league of Texas landlords would rent no more land to Socialists.That report grew out of the action of A. Tom Padgitt, a witness before the United States industrial relations commission at Dallas. When questioned by the commission he said that in 1912 a number of Socialists rented portions of his 12,000 acres and immediately began to “say things against landlords and poison the minds of other tenants.” When asked if he, personally, had heard these remarks he admitted that he had not and that all his information came from his overseer, C. A. Rieves. It then developed that Padgitt does not live on his land, but maintains a residence in the city, turning to an overseer the job of getting enough rent from tenants to keep the Padgitt household bills paid.

“You gave the order to rent to no more Socialists, did you?” asked Chairman Walsh.

“Yes, sir, I certainly did.”

“But you say you did not hear them making these remarks. Then you took that action on the word of your manager, Mr. Rieves.”

“Partly on that and partly on what I know about Socialism. I don’t want it talked around my property.”

“Will you tell the commission, in your own words, just why you objected to these people and why you instructed your overseer to rent them no more land?”

“Well, the two factions, the Socialists and the anti-Socialists got to fighting. They broke 28 windows out of my gin house.”

“Who? The Socialists?”

“Certainly, The So—. I don’t know if the Socialists did it or not, but it was done after a meeting in the school house.”

“Then you said these people should not use your land because 28 windows were broken out of your gin house?”

“No. I wouldn’t rent to them because they were Socialists. They want things that are unlawful. They want to change the government and I won’t have it.”

The Landlord Dodges.“But suppose these people think that the things they advocate are for the good of the people generally. Suppose they think it a better way to live.”

“It wouldn’t be for the good of the community and they’d have to get off my land.”

“You say it wouldn’t be for the good of the community. Who would be the judge?”

“The community itself.”

“Then everybody in your community was convinced that what these Socialists advocated was wrong?”

“Well, then, the community could not have decided, as a community, that Socialism was wrong. Now then, Mr. Padgitt, in such a case, when the people of the community were divided, who would cast the deciding vote? In your own case, who was the judge?”

“There was no particular judge. The people themselves decided.”

“Did the people tell the Socialists they could not rent your land the next year?”

“No, Mr. Rieves told them.”

“At your direction?”

“Yes.”

Cornered, Admits Dictatorship.

Texas Tenant Farmer and Family
“““““

“Did anybody order you to refuse to rent to Socialists?””No.”

“Then you acted entirely for your self?”

“Yes.”

“Then in such a case, Mr. Padgitt, who would be the judge whether a particular theory of politics, religion, etc., would be for the good of mankind?”

“I would.”

“And you think, do you, Mr. Padgitt, that you are capable of deciding for an entire community?”

“Yes, sir; I do.”

“That is all, Mr. Padgitt.”

The Landlord Retracts.Reporters for the Dallas afternoon papers leaped from the press table the moment Padgitt stepped from the stand. Within half an hour papers were on the street telling of this Texas landlord who thought himself capable of doing the thinking for an entire community. Not even the capitalist papers could stomach such arrogance. It was one of the sensations of the hearing.

Padgitt’s friends must have raised Cain with him during the night for next morning he appeared at the hearing and asked permission to explain his testimony of the day before. That granted, he denied that he wanted to control the community’s thoughts and so completely went back on his previous testimony that he declared he did not care what a tenant thought, said or did about politics as long as he tended his land properly. The retraction went into the record and Padgitt left the room, presumably to square himself with his landlord friends.

C. A. Rieves, former overseer for Padgitt and now a real estate dealer of Hasting, Okla., was the next witness. He began his testimony with:

Overseer Gets Appeal.Almost as soon as I went to work on the Padgitt place I was inveigled into subscribing for the APPEAL TO REASON. There were some tenants there who tried to make a Socialist of me. I never read the paper and told them I didn’t believe in Socialism and considered it a trouble-making proposition.

That made some of the tenants mad at me. One of them, F. M. Johnson, took a plank off the barn and made a bee hive of it. I ordered him to put it back. He refused to do it and I told him to move off. That made matters worse. We organized an anti-Socialist league and held meetings. Finally a committee of Socialists waited on me, saying I discriminated against Socialists and unless I quit it they’d boycott the gin. I told them if they boycotted the gin I’d make every Socialist on the place move off.

“Did they put the threatened boycott into effect?”No, sir. But the people of the community began to take sides. The Socialists wanted me fired and petitioned Mr. Padgitt to discharge me. He refused to do so.”

Preachers And Socialism.“You say the people took sides. Did the preachers take sides?”

“Yes, sir-well, now , in a way they did. Here’s a letter from one of them, a preacher in the M. E. church, South.

He was written to, asking if he’d speak against Socialism. This is his reply:

Dear Sir and Brother-It will give me great pleasure to speak for you against Socialism. I congratulate you and your people on your stand against this menace to God and humanity. Very truly,
GEO. F. CARNEGIE.

“Did any preachers take sides with the Socialists?”

One of them did. His name was McCarrol. He was told he’d have to quit his Socialism or quit his church, so he gave up talking Socialism.Things went on from bad to worse until the people rose up and said something must be done to redeem the country from Socialism. They were making big inroads. So I made all of them leave. No Socialists were permitted to remain.

Never Understood Socialism.Before he left the stand Rieves admitted that while on the Padgitt place he did not know-and does not know now-what Socialists advocate or propose. He is a typical Anti-Socialist baiter. Utterly ignorant of the thing he fights, vicious in his ignorance and fanatically unwilling to learn he was exactly the man to act as agent for another man who considered himself so superior that he could determine the political thought for a community better than the community could do for itself.

Following Rieves’ statement came that of one of the Padgitt former tenants, a Socialist. His testimony will be given next week.

———-[Paragraph breaks and photographs added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCE
Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas)
-May 8, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Herr Glessner Creel
https://books.google.com/…
Tenant Farmer Plucked By Parasites,
from The Tenant Farmer, Oct 1914
http://gateway.okhistory.org/…
Texas Tenant Farmer in California during
Great Depression, Dorothea Lange
(Dear Readers, I realize that this photo is from the ’30s; it is
used here to represent the destitution of the tenant farmers
of Texas and Oklahoma at time of the CIR investigation.)
https://www.pinterest.com/…
Appeal to Reason, banner, May 8, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

See also:

Creel + JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Industrial relations: final report and testimony
-United States. Commission on Industrial
Relations,
-Francis Patrick Walsh, Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Vol 9:
https://books.google.com/…
8949-The Land Question in the Southwest
https://books.google.com/…
Vol. 10
https://books.google.com/…
9057-9290-The Land Question in the Southwest-
Continued
https://books.google.com/…
9102-Testimony of Mr. J. Tom Padgitt.
https://books.google.com/…
9113-Testimony of Mr. C. A. Rives
https://books.google.com/…

Appeal Socialist Classics, No. 8
Socialism and the Farmer
-ed by W. J. Ghent
Girard, Kansas, 1916
https://archive.org/…

Tricks of the Press, A Lecture
-by H. G. Creel
National Rip-Saw Publishing Co, 1911
https://books.google.com/…

More Books by Herr Glessner Creel
https://www.google.com/…

A letter from Debs to Creel
https://books.google.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Hungry Ragged Blues – Aunt Molly Jackson

Although written for the coal miners and their families, this song fits every worker every where who labors for poverty wages.

I’m sad and weary, I’ve got the hungry, ragged blues.
Not one penny in the pocket to buy one thing I need to use.

I woke up this morning, with the worst blues I ever had in my life;
Not a bite to eat for breakfast, a poor coal miner’s wife!

When my husband works in the coalmines, he loads a carload every trip;
Then he goes to the office at the evening to get denied of scrip.

Just because they took all he made that day to pay his mine expense,
A man that will work for just coal oil and carbide, he ain’t got a stack of sense.

All the women in the coal camps are sitting with bowed down heads,
Ragged and bare-footed, and the children cryin’ for bread.

No food, no clothes for our children, I’m sure this head don’t lie;
If we can’t get more for our labor we’ll starve to death and die!

Don’t go under the mountain, with a slate hangin’ o’er your head;
And work for just coal oil and carbide, and your children cryin’ for bread.

This mining town I live in is a sad and lonely place
Where pity and starvation is pictured on every face!

Some coal operators might tell you the hungry blues are not there.
They’re the worst kind of blues this poor woman ever had.
-Aunt Molly Jackson

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Tuesday May 11, 1915
Salt Lake City, Utah – The Rebel Girl, Herself, Visits Joe Hill in the County Jail

Hellraisers Journal: Rebel Girl Describes Joe Hill: “tall, slender, very blond with deep blue eyes.”

I am not afraid of death, but I’d like to be in the fight a little longer.
-Joe Hill
“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Tuesday May 11, 1915
Salt Lake City, Utah – The Rebel Girl, Herself, Visits Joe Hill in the County Jail

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Fort Scott, Kansas, newspaper, Apr 29, 1915

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn from the
Fort Scott Daily Tribune-Monitor
of Kansas, April 29, 1915

On May 6th, on her way to California, Miss Elizabeth Gurley Flynn stopped off in Salt Lake City to visit with Fellow Worker Joe Hill who continues to be held in the county jail there. FW Hill has been convicted of murder and has been given a death sentence by the state of Utah. Miss Flynn was allowed to visit with the prisoner face to face in the sheriff’s office. She states that she is the first visitor during his long confinement to be allowed to visit with FW Hill face to face and to shake hands with him.Miss Flynn states that she found Joe Hill to be “tall, slender, very blond, with deep blue eyes.” It was a spring day in the “garden city” and the prisoner and his visitor looked out from the prison onto an “expanse of a beautiful lawn.”

Joe Hill noted the old bearded man outside who was mowing the lawn, and said to Gurley Flynn, “He’s lucky, Gurley. He’s a Mormon and he’s had two wives and I haven’t even had one yet!”

Miss Flynn noted the contrast between the pure mountain air of Utah and the fetid jail odor that assailed the nostrils: “damp air loaded with the sickening smell of disinfectants.”

On the subject of the death sentence which he is facing, FW Hill stated:

I am not afraid of death, but I’d like to be in the fight a little longer.

~~~~~~~~~~SOURCE
The Rebel Girl: an autobiography,
my first life (1906-1926)
by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn
International Publishers, 1973
https://books.google.com/…

IMAGE
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn from a Fort Scott, Kansas,
newspaper of Apr 29, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`

Letter From Joe Hill to Katie Phar

Salt Lake City
May 7
Katie Phar Spokane Wn
Dear Friend & F. W.

Yours received and am glad to note that you are getting along fine with your music lessons. Am sending you thru the local Sec’y two of my songs and would like to hear how you like them. One of the Songs “The Rebel Girl” was sung at several big meetings in Chicago and was making a bit hit they are telling me. I had the pleasure to shake hands with Gurly Flynn yesterday and she told me that she would be glad to see you when she comes to Spokane. If you would practice up on one of the Songs you could help her a whole lot by singing it at her meeting in Spokane. The Rebel Girl would be best I think because Gurly F. is certainly some Rebel Girl and when [the copy of this letter is incomplete.]Photograph added.]

SOURCE

The Letters of Joe Hill
-ed by Philip Foner
Oak Publications, 1965
https://books.google.com/…IMAGE
Follow Worker Joe Hill
http://www.freedomarchives.org/…

Note: Katie Phar was the 10-year-old daughter of a member of the Industrial Workers of the World who lived in Spokane, Washington.

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Thursday May 11, 1905
From the Montana News: Mother Jones Coming to Montana

Mother Jones, Appeal to Reason, Mar 11, 1905

The Montana News, Socialist newspaper of Helena, is reporting that Mother Jones will soon be coming to Montana. Hellraisers wishes to assure our readers that we will be on the look out to follow Mother’s activities while she is in the state of Montana.From the Montana News of May 3, 1905:

—–
“Mother” Jones, is expected to be in Montana this month.
—–[Emphasis added.]

“““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
~~~~~~~~~~SOURCE
Montana News
(Helena, Montana)
-May 3, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGE
Mother Jones, Appeal to Reason, Mar 11, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`

Letter From Mother Jones to William B WilsonI believe that Mother has misdated this letter (she did sometimes confuse her dates when writing letters) and that this letter was more likely written on June 9th. However, I am including the letter here because the letter is dated in May and further studied is needed to examine exactly where Mother was on May 9, 1905.

Stevensville, Montana
5-9-1905
My dear Comrade Wilson

William B Wilson

Here I am out in the mountains not on a pleasure but on duty waking up the Shumburg Joint . I spoke in Butte last night under the auspices of the Smeltermen Union. I had house packed stage and all the boys did not know what to do for me. They gave me one hundred dollars and my fare to and from Chicago. They want to remain out here all summer and go to the Springs for a rest they would pay the bill. I could not do that poor boys they earn their nickles to hard. if you could see them when they come home from those smelters in the evening you would feel they needed the Springs worse than anyone else. Who on earth did Sam marry his stenographer. I wished he had not for those old people needed him at home however that is something we cannot govern They will do as they want to.I am glad Mrs. W— and the children are well. I will be in the State of N. Y. for three months this fall. I will make an effort to go and see them while East. I want to see Joe before I die. Take care of him.

I speak in Helena on Miners day the 13th of this month. Back to Butte for two more meetings then I go to Coaldale for the Coal Miners then I go East. I have so much to tell you when I see you. The time seems so long. I am going to go before I am due. So that I just gaze on that face a reflex of the heart that has been true to the people. In looking over the field it looks as if you were going to have trouble next year. in fact it looks to me as if many crafts were on the threshold of Industrial War. let it come we only can do what we can for them. we are permeating them with clear conception of their class interest trying to put the Spirit Solidarity in them. let me warn you against that Board Member Jones [see note below] of Wyo. he is no Gods earth good for God or man. What cur will stoop to like [lick?] the feet of those in poor [power?] for a job. I am going to see you soon. Love to Miss May a Agnes your own good self.
fondly
Mother

[Photograph added.]

SOURCE

The Correspondence of Mother Jones
-ed by Edward M. Steel
University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985
https://books.google.com/…IMAGE
William B Wilson, United Mine Workers of America
http://www.blossburg.org/

See also:

Search: Montana News + Mother Jones + May 1905
(Articles about planning a speaking tour for
late May and early June.)
http://www.newspapers.com/…

Search: Montana News + Mother Jones + June 1905
(Articles about Mother speaking in various Montana locations,
and a long article about her speech in Helena on Miners Day, June 13th.)
http://www.newspapers.com/…

Note: Mother is referring to W. E. Jones of Dietz, Wyoming, UMWA Executive Board Member from District 22. Exactly what Mother had against him, I do not know. Perhaps it had something to do with the convention floor fight from the Jan 1905 UMWA convention, summed up in this pamphlet by Robert Randell [Randall]:
http://babel.hathitrust.org/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
The Rebel Girl-Mats Paulson

Yes, her hands may be harden’d from labor
And her dress may not be very fine
But a heart in her bosom is beating
That is true to her class and her kind
And the grafters in terror are trembling
When her spite and defiance she’ll hurl
For the only and thoroughbred lady
Is the Rebel Girl.
-Joe Hill

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Wednesday May 12, 1915
Washington, District of Columbia – Mother Jones, Haywood, and Darrow Will Testify

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones, Clarence Darrow & Bill Haywood to Come Before Walsh Commission

Wednesday May 12, 1915
Washington, District of Columbia – Mother Jones, Haywood, and Darrow Will Testify

From The Washington Times of May 9, 1915:

LABOR AND LAW WILL BE PROBED THIS WEEK
—–
“Mother” Jones, William [D.] Haywood,
and Clarence Darrow to Testify.
—–

Chairman Frank P. Walsh
of the Commission on Industrial Relations
“““““

With “Mother” Jones, militant friend of the miners, William W.[D.] Haywood, head of the Industrial Workers of the World, and Clarence Darrow, the man who defended the McNamaras, as witnesses, the Commission on Industrial Relations this week will begin the second leg of its investigation into labor conditions. The general subject of “labor and the law” will be treated.Chairman Walsh has announced that former President Taft and Alton B. Parker, one-time Democratic candidate for President, will not appear before the commission this week as planned. Their engagements will not permit, it is explained. John D. Rockefeller, jr., and officials of the Colorado Fuel and Iron company will not appear before the commission until next week, when the investigation of the Colorado strike is reopened.

Clash Coming To a Head.The clash between Chairman Walsh and Mr. Rockefeller over the former’s action in making a newspaper attack on the Rockefeller interests for political activity in Colorado, will come to a head at this meeting….

[Photograph added.]

MOTHER JONES SPEAKS IN ALLENTOWN, PENNSYLVANIAFrom The Allentown Leader of May 10, 1915:

STIRRING ADDRESS BY MOTHER JONES
—–
Raps “Sentimental Efforts, ” and Tells Women
to Get Down to Meal Ticket Work.
—–

Declaring that the government was not at Washington or Harrisburg, but at 26 Broadway, eighty-three-year-old Mother Jones, prominent labor agitator, advised the working class to act immediately, as the time for action was here, before a large audience in the Orpheum Theatre yesterday afternoon. She was introduced by Councilman Wheeler.Hale and hearty and lacking any of the deficiencies of advanced years, Mother Jones spoke in a loud, clear voice and there was no trace of nervousness during her entire address. At times she would become excited and wave her arms about in a manner which emphasized her words.

Mother Jones particularly appealed to Allentown women saying that they should lend their assistance to the industrial movement. In speaking of woman’s suffrage, she said that women should first learn how to use the ballot.

“Get away from sentimental efforts,” fairly shrieked the aged woman, addressing the women, “such as social settlement work, temperance movements, charity and foreign missions and learn what causes the ownership of our bread by a few.”

The speaker flayed the “high class robbers,” as she called the capitalists, who she claimed were taking the instruments of manufacture away from the masses and were concentrating them among about six men who were ruling the destines of the United States.

Mother Jones referred to the conditions in the coal fields of Colorado and West Virginia. She gave her story of the burning of the tenet colony in Colorado, when 11 children and two women lost their lives.

Winifred Wavrek played several violin solos, accompanied by his mother, Mrs. John Wavrek.

Mother Jones was presented with a handsome bouquet at the close of her talk by members of the local Socialist party.

—–[Photograph added.]

From The Allentown Democrat of May 10, 1915:

MOTHER JONES URGES IMMEDIATE STRIKE
—–
Makes One of Her Characteristic Speeches
in Orpheum to Large Audience.
—–

Mary Jones, known throughout the industrial world more familiarly as Mother Jones, the acknowledged friend and champion of the working class, held an audience of several hundred persons spellbound at the Orpheum theatre yesterday afternoon.Mother Jones at times resides at Denver, Colorado, but as she put it, her home is also on the industrial battlefields most of the time. She spoke on the Colorado outrages and of conditions existing in West Virginia when the big strikes were on and the laborers were without organization.

To be organized thoroughly was the duty of the working man, she stated, and it was their duty to cement their relation or the industrial interests would crush the masses and make them worse than any slave.

She stated that the workers are standing in the dawn of the greatest era this world has ever seen and that now is the appointed time to strike. Continuing she asserted that the time was fast approaching when the “high class burglars,” as she called the capitalists were taking the instruments of manufacture away from the masses and were concentrating them among about six men, who were ruling the destinies of the United States.

The speaker stated that the women had a great work to accomplish and that if they would see that the men sent the proper men to the judicial halls, conditions would be different. Today she asserted, the government was not at Washington or Harrisburg, but was at 26 Broadway.

She advocated the women giving up their foolish connections with the so-called peace commissions, temperance and social clubs and mission societies and get down to real work.

The horrors attending the big conflicts between capital and labor were graphically described, how the laborers were shot down by the hired tools of the wealthy and how women and children met the same fate. Mother Jones stated that first of all she was for a peaceable settlement of all troubles, but that if the interests were going to use force, she advocated the oppressed to retaliate with force.

She described how she had led meetings over which there was imminent danger of a massacre being committed, but that [no?] blood had ever been shed at these gatherings.

She asserted that the money being spent for the maintenance of state police and militia in the oppressed territory, which amounted to about $800,000 a year, should be spent for the upkeep of schools, which would return untold benefits. This end will only be attained by the cooperation of the men and women and by sending the proper men too the halls of justice.

“Meet your congressmen at the depot,” she said “and erect a platform and make them tell what they have done. Don’t go there and shout our welcome and leave the men think[ing?] that you are satisfied,” she stated.

In numerous cases cited by the speaker, she brought out the horrors of the situation and advised that as a first duty, the men and women of the working class educate themselves and they will soon reap the harvest of their work.

Councilman R. J. Wheeler was the chairman of the afternoon and introduced a booklet selling for 25 cents, on “Standard Oil and People or Who Owns America.” He explained that it was the idea of the Socialist party to educate the people-not only to have them hear lectures, which would be forgotten….

Mother Jones was presented with a handsome bouquet of carnations by the local Socialist party, under whose direction the lecture was given.

If it were not known that she is 83 years old, it would be hard to believe the fact, so clear and strong is her voice and active is she.

—–[Photograph added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

The Washington Times
(Washington, District of Columbia)
-May 9, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The Allentown Leader
(Allentown, Pennsylvania)
-May 10, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The Allentown Democrat
(Allentown, Pennsylvania)
-May 10, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Frank P. Walsh from Harpers Weekly
of Sept 27, 1913
http://books.google.com/…
Mother Jones, Boston Glob, Jan 30, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Mother Jones, New York Tribune, Jan 29, 1915
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/…

See also:
Standard Oil or The People
-by Henry H. Klein
New York City, 1914
(This could be the booklet to which Councilman Wheeler refers.)
http://babel.hathitrust.org/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
This Land Is Your Land – Woody Guthrie

As I went walking I saw a sign there
And on the sign it said “No Trespassing.”
But on the other side it didn’t say nothing,
That side was made for you and me.

In the shadow of the steeple I saw my people,
By the relief office I seen my people;
As they stood there hungry, I stood there asking
Is this land made for you and me?
-Woody Guthrie

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`

Thursday May 13, 1915
Washington, D. C. – Big Bill Haywood Testifies before the Walsh Commission

Hellraisers Journal: Big Bill Haywood, Sec-Trea of IWW, Testifies Before the Walsh Commission

The Industrial Workers of the World
is socialism with its working clothes on.
-Big Bill Haywood“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Thursday May 13, 1915
Washington, D. C. – Big Bill Haywood Testifies before the Walsh Commission

Big Bill Haywood & Elizabeth Gurley Flynn
with strikers’ children, Lawrence, Massachusetts, 1912
“““““

Big Bill Haywood, the secretary-treasurer of the Industrial Workers of the World, came before the Commission on Industrial Relations yesterday and gave testimony regarding his long history in the American labor movement.Regarding his vision of the future, Mr. Haywood stated:

I have had a dream of a new society some time, in which there will be no struggle between capital and labor, in which every man will have free access to the land and means of production and livelihood. There will be no government, no states, as we know them now. Congress will be made up not of lawyers and preachers, but of experts from all branches of industry, come together for the good of all the people.

Below the fold our readers can find coverage provided by the The Washington Post

of Fellow Worker Haywood’s testimony from yesterday’s session of the Commission. Haywood was recalled to the witness stand this morning and is expected to give testimony for most of the day.

From The Washington Post of May 13, 1915:

GOAL IS ONE BIG UNION
—–

I. W. W. Leader Tells Federal Board of Labor’s Ideal Era.
—–
WARRING AGAINST CAPITAL
—–
Identity of Interests Between Workers and Men Like Rockefeller
and Morgan; Impossible, Asserts W. D. Haywood
Before Industrial Relations Commission.
“Don’t Care if It Means Revolution.”
—–

Big Bill Haywood
“““““

A revolution that would wipe out America’s present industrial and political system and establish and ideal era of freedom was described to the Federal commission on industrial relations yesterday as the ultimate object of the Industrial Workers of the World, by William D. Haywood, its secretary and treasurer.A world in which labor, organized into a vast compact union, should control all of the means of production, and in which there would be no such thing as “capital” was held up by Haywood as his land of promise. He declared that only implacable war between labor and capital ending with a great general strike and confiscation of the means of production could bring the workers to that ideal existence.

“Struggle That Must Go On.”[He told the commission:]

This is a class struggle that must go on. There can be no identity of interest between the workers, who have only their labor power, and such men as Rockefeller and Morgan and their stockholders, who contribute nothing to production. The struggle will go on despite everything this commission can do or commend to Congress the battle is inevitable. Labor must fight for what capital now controls, the means of production, tools, machinery and all of those things which should be controlled by labor alone.

I have had a dream of a new society some time, in which there will be no struggle between capital and labor, in which every man will have free access to the land and means of production and livelihood. There will be no government, no states, as we know them now. Congress will be made up not of lawyers and preachers, but of experts from all branches of industry, come together for the good of all the people.

Believes in Any Tactics.Commissioner Weinstock questioned Haywood as to what methods would be employed to bring about this change.

“I believe in any kind of tactics,” said the witness. “I don’t care if it means revolution. That’s all.”

In reply to other questions. Haywood said the I. W. W. differed with the trade unionists because it believed in the organization of a single great union instead of craft unions. Its ultimate purpose, he said, differed little from socialism.

“I might say it is socialism with its working clothes on,” he added.

Would Wipe Out Great Cities.In the new era, Haywood said, there would be no great cities.

“What is to become of New York, Chicago, and the other great cities?” asked Commissioner Weinstock.

“There would be no idle brokers, lawyers, and financiers to occupy such cities,” replied the witness.

“But what would you do with New York?”

“Tear it down, or leave it as a monument to the foolishness of this age.”

Recites Incidents of His Past.Haywood sketched the stormy incidents of his past life, telling of strikes in which he had participated, from the early troubles in Colorado and Utah to the recent outbreaks at Lawrence and Patterson. He will continue his testimony today.

Police Commissioner Woods, of New York, discussed the use of New York gunmen in labor disputes, and the protection accorded free speech and free assembly in that city.

Dr. H. R. Seager, of New York, spoke of the difficulties of labor in the courts.

—–[Photograph added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

General Strike by William D Haywood, cover, speech 1911

SOURCE
The Washington Post
(Washington, District of Columbia)
-May 13, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…IMAGES
IWW Red Button
http://iww.ca/
Big Bill Haywood & Elizabeth Gurley Flynn
with strikers children, Lawrence, MA, 1912
http://spartacus-educational.com/…
Big Bill Haywood, 1915
http://www.loc.gov/…
General Strike by William D Haywood
http://babel.hathitrust.org/…

See also:
Industrial relations: final report and testimony
United States. Commission on Industrial Relations
-ed by Francis Patrick Walsh,
& Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Volume 11: https://books.google.com/…
10540-Washington, D. C, Wednesday,
May 12, 1915—10 a. m.
Present : Chairman Walsh, Commissioners
Weinstock, O’Connell, Lennon, and Garretson.
https://books.google.com/…
10569-10586: Testimony of Mr. William D.
Haywood -afternoon session.
https://books.google.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Workers of the World Awaken

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`

Friday May 14, 1915
Washington, D. C. – Big Bill Haywood Speaks for Working Men, Women, and Children

Hellraisers Journal: Big Bill Haywood, “I am a partisan of the workers.”

I am speaking for the working class, and I am a partisan of the workers.
-Big Bill Haywood“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Friday May 14, 1915
Washington, D. C. – Big Bill Haywood Speaks for Working Men, Women, and Children

Big Bill Haywood
“““““

During the coarse of his testimony before the Commission on Industrial Relations, Big Bill Haywood, Secretary-Treasurer of the Industrial Workers of the World, was questioned by Commissioner Harris Weinstock, a California businessman. Fellow Worker Haywood explained how government might operate when the working people have a voice through their union, as opposed to the present system of government under which most working men and women, and all working class children, are disenfranchised.

“I AM A PARTISAN OF THE WORKERS”Commissioner Weinstock. Well, then, will you briefly outline to us, Mr. Haywood, how would you govern and direct the affairs under your proposed system of 100,000,000 of people, as we are in this country to-day?

Mr. Haywood. Well, how are the affairs of the hundred million people conducted at the present time? The workers have no interest, have no voice in anything except the shops. Many of the workers are children. They certainly have no interest and no voice in the franchise. They are employed in the shops, and of course my idea is that children who work should have a voice in the way they work—in the hours they work, in the wages that they should receive—that is, under the present conditions children should have that voice, children who labor.

The same is true of women. The political state, the Government, says that women are not entitled to vote—that is, except in the 10 free States of the West; but they are industrial units; they are productive units; from millions of women. My idea is that they should have a voice in the control or disposition of their labor powers, and the only place where they can express themselves is in their labor union halls, and there they express themselves to the fullest as citizens of industry, if you will, as to the purposes of their work and the conditions under which they will labor. Now, you recognize that in conjunction with women and children.

The black men of the South are on the same footing. They are all citizens of this country, but they have no voice in its government. Millions of black men are disfranchised, who if organized would have a voice in saying how they should work and how the conditions of labor should be regulated. But unorganized they are as helpless and in the same condition of slavery as they were before the war.

This is not only true of women and children and black men, but it extends to the foreigner who comes to this country and is certainly a useful member of society. Most of them at once go into industries, but for five years they are not citizens. They plod along at their work and have no voice in the control or the use of their labor power. And as you have learned through this commission there are corporations who direct the manner in which those foreigners shall vote. Certainly you have heard something of that in connection with the Rockefeller interests in the southern part of Colorado. You know that the elections there were never carried on straight, and these foreigners were directed as to how their ballot should be placed.

They are not the only ones who are disfranchised, but there is also the workingman who is born in this country, who is shifted about from place to place by industrial depressions; their homes are broken up and they are compelled to go from one city to another, and each state requires a certain period of residence before a man has the right to vote. Some States say he must be a resident 1 year, others say 2 years; he must live for a certain length of time in the county; he must live for 30 days or such a matter in the precinct before he has any voice in the conduct of government.

Now, if a man was not a subject of a state or nation, but a citizen of industry, moving from place to place, belonging to his union, wherever he went he would step in the union hall, show his card, register, and he at once has a voice in the conduct of the affairs pertaining to his welfare. That is the form of society I want to see, where the men who do the work, and who are the only people who are worth while—understand me, Mr. Weinstock, I think that the workingman, even doing the meanest kind of work, the workingman is a more important member of society than any judge on the supreme bench; than any other of the useless members of society. I am speaking for the working class, and I am a partisan of the workers.

[Emphasis added.]

From Pennsylvania’s Allentown Democrat of May 14, 1915:

HAYWOOD SAYS THE SOCIALISTS
IN WAR ARE DISCREDITED
—–

Defines Difference Between Socialism
and I. W. W. for Commission.
—–
UNIVERSITY HEAD UPHOLDS MILITIA.
—–
Declares There Never Has Been Even-Handed
Justice Since World Began.
—–

International News Service.-

Reading Times of Pennsylvania
May 14, 1915
“““““

WASHINGTON, May 13-German Socialism is discredited in the eyes of the world because it has gone in for war, William D. Heywood [Haywood], secretary of the I. W. W. told the commission on industrial relations today.”The I. W. W. is opposed to war,” Haywood said. He objected to the use of Socialism and I. W. W. as interchangeable terms. “The Socialists would give the state supreme control; we would abolish the state and give the organized workers control.”

Haywood quoted John D. Rockefeller, Jr., as describing “common labor as an animate machine.” When Commissioner Weinstock questioned him as to whether Rockefeller had used this expression. Haywood replied:

“Ask him when he comes before you next week. That is his viewpoint. We believe the common laborer is a human being.

Mrs. J. Borden Harriman interposed this question: “If you don’t believe in war, why do you believe in violence in labor disputes?”

“The greatest violence that could be done to a capitalist is to drain his pocketbook,” Haywood replied. “I believe in that kind of violence.”

Haywood said unemployment was one of the most pressing causes of industrial unrest and suggested that the Government extend its reclamation, river and harbor improvement and other purpose works in order to afford opportunity for employment.

Dr. Frank J. Goodnow, president of Johns Hopkins University, defended the use of militia in strikes. In most instances, he said, martial law is proceeded by violence and the government exercises its constitutional power in ordering out armed men.

When abuse of militia’s power in Colorado and elsewhere was alleged, Dr. Goodnow said there was no redress except through the courts and at the polls.

“There never has been even-handed justice since the world began,” he said, “and resistance to law always will fail as a remedy.”

Dr. Goodnow favored changes in qualification for admission to the bar in order to get judges who are trained in economics and industrial condition.

—–[Photograph and emphasis added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

Bill Haywood’s Book
The Autobiography of William D. Haywood
International Publishers,1983
(Paragraph breaks from exchange with Weinstock
are from Haywood’s book.)
https://books.google.com/…The Allentown Democrat
(Allentown, Pennsylvania)
-May 14, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Big Bill Haywood, WDC, 1915
http://www.loc.gov/…
Big Bill Haywood from Reading Times,
of Pennsylvania, May 14, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
IWW Is Coming
http://libcom.org/…

See also:

Testimony of William D. Haywood
before the Industrial Relations Commission
IWW Publishing Bureau, after May 1915
http://babel.hathitrust.org/…

Industrial relations: final report and testimony
United States. Commission on Industrial Relations
-ed by Francis Patrick Walsh,
& Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Volume 11: https://books.google.com/…
10540-Washington, D. C, Wednesday,
May 12, 1915—10 a. m.
Present : Chairman Walsh, Commissioners
Weinstock, O’Connell, Lennon, and Garretson.
https://books.google.com/…
10569-10586: Testimony of Mr. William D.
Haywood -afternoon session.
https://books.google.com/…
10586-10599: Testimony of William D. Haywood,
continued
Washington, D. C, Thursday, May 13, 1915—10 a. m.
Present: Chairman Walsh; Commissioners
Harriman, Garretson, Lennon, Weinstoek, and O’Connell.
https://books.google.com/…

The International Socialist Review, Volume 15
-ed by Algie Martin Simons, Charles H. Kerr
C.H. Kerr, July 1914-June 1915
https://books.google.com/…
ISR Nov 1914
https://books.google.com/…
“Militarism and Socialism
An Analysis of the Factors That Led European
Socialists to Support the War”
By Harry Uswald
https://books.google.com/…
“International Notes
The War, the Socialists, and the Future”
BY William E. Bohn
https://books.google.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
The Commonwealth of Toil-Pete Seeger

When our cause is all triumphant
And we claim our Mother Earth,
And the nightmare of the present fades away,
We shall live with love and laughter,
We who now are little worth,
But we’ll not forget the price we had to pay.
-Ralph Chaplin
(with last line changed by JayRaye)

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Saturday May 15, 1915
From the Metropolitan: “Back of Billy Sunday” by John Reed

Hellraisers Journal: John Reed and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Take On the Preacher Billy Sunday

Saturday May 15, 1915
From the Metropolitan: “Back of Billy Sunday” by John Reed

Today we are pleased to present, from this month’s Metropolitan, a portion of a long article written by John Reed about the Preacher Billy Sunday. The wild antics of America’s most famous crusading preacher are ably brought to life by the illustrations of George Bellows.

But before we get to Reed’s article, we stop to notice that Elizabeth Gurley Flynn also has a few things to say about this most favored preacher of the Capitalist Class. Miss Flynn is on a tour of the western states, and is currently in California. Her comments were found in yesterday’s Santa Ana Register:

FORGET WAGE! THINK OF YOUR SOULS!
IS ADIVCE TO EARNERS
—-

For Saying This Billy Sunday Is Characterized
As ‘Prince of Strike-Breakers’
—–

SAN FRANCISCO, May 14.-“The Prince of Strike-Breakers,” was the term applied to Evangelist Billy Sunday here by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, heroine of the working girl’s strike at Patterson, N. J.

Scoring Sunday, Miss Flynn said:

Sunday is telling the girls in the silk factories of the East to forget about wages and think about their souls. I have no argument with anyone on religious subjects, but Sunday is preaching the doctrine at the instance of a Sunday school teacher who owns the largest silk factory and pays the lowest wages.

[Photograph added is from Indiana’s Fort Wayne News of March 20, 1915.]

From the Metropolitan of May 1915:

Back of Billy Sunday

By John Reed
Illustrations by GEORGE BELLOWS

BILLY Sunday, the sweat pouring from his red face, his trembling tense left leg thrust out behind, both arms stretched wide, as he leaned out over the vast crowd like a diver,
shouted hoarsely:

“Say, it would milk any bishop dry to stand here and preach eight or nine weeks! If you don’t believe me, try it.”

And twenty thousand people, worked up to the point of hysterics by loathsome, funny
stories, and the uncanny, long-drawn “O-o-o-o-oh, come to Jesus!” broke the tension in a mighty shout of laughter.

So Billy, and “Ma” Sunday, his wife, and George, his son and business agent, and his wife
and baby, motored to John Wanamaker’s country house for a day of rest.

Billy had preached sixteen sermons in six days, they said. Homer W. Rodeheaver, his choirmaster and chairman, was also visiting out of town. Jack Cardiff, his ex-prize-fighter trainer and bodyguard, was holding evangelistic meetings on his own account in Reading. Bentley D. Ackley, his secretary, pianist, and the composer of his gospel hymns, was
playing golf at Whitemarsh. Joe Steice, his mechanical inventor and tabernacle constructor, who insists on non-union labor for the glory of the Lord, was at the Central Trades Council, they said with a grin, showing organized labor the wickedness of being organized. Mrs. Ascher and Miss Saxe, subsidiary preachers, alone did not alter their schedule. They were organizing workingmen and working-girls in the factories into Bible classes.

At the white-faced house on Spring Garden Street, which was rented for Sunday, other less important members of the party were about—large, determined-looking women with glasses and a breezy middle-western twang, running up and down stairs and talking loudly about household affairs. A big raw-boned Swedish woman, with the light of Salvation in her eyes, opened the door for us and let us into the parlor—which was the most screamingly hideous example in the world of what bad taste and much money can do. There were heavy gilt moldings, a ” satin-finish ” wall-paper of violent green leaves and purple morning-glories, mirrors from ceiling to floor, fearful oil paintings in shadow boxes, bunches of artificial lilacs in vases with red electric lights concealed in them. There were enormous wreaths and bunches of flowers standing everywhere, presents to Billy Sunday; pictures in heavy gilt frames; a two-hundred-dollar Victrola; and a railway engine made entirely out of baby-blue wicker, four feet high and seven feet long presented, full of flowers, by the railroad men of the Reading. A white-haired, stout old lady, with the exultant look of a village social leader who has ruined her worst enemy, loomed upon us in the corner. Without any preface she said:

“You’re newspaper folks, ain’t you? Well, we’ve jarred this town loose! We’ve stirred ’em up some! Huh! Conservative Philadelphia! Conservative, indeed!”

Two male members of the party chewing tooth-picks were reading the stock reports in the evening papers. One said:

“I tell you what, Jim; with wheat going the way it is now, those fellows that got in on wheat shorts are certainly the lucky guys!”

He rose abstractedly from his seat, slipped in a record, and the Victrola produced dismal strains of “‘Way Down Upon the Suwanee River.” The violent smell of continuous cooking drifted from the dining-room, the clatter of dishes; lady members of the party in aprons shouted to one another, “Jane, haven’t them beans come yet?”

A STEADY stream of clergymen in chokers, and Y. M. C. A. officials with the hard eye of an efficiency expert, and pale, undernourished converted stenographers and clerks, and fat, emotional women in furs, drifted in and out. The entrance of Mr. Rodeheaver, and the loud voice of the servant-girl saying, “Homer, there’s a couple of magazine men in there,” caused us to rise.

“What do they want?” said Mr. Rodeheaver suspiciously.

“They want to see Mr. Sunday.”

Mr. Rodeheaver came in, a short, stocky man with a deep, sanctimonious voice, suspicious eyes, and the kind of a clammy hand that won’t let yours go.

“No, boys, I can’t help you. You’ll have to see Mrs. Sunday. She runs everything around here. If she tells you you can see Billy, you can see him. Yes, I’m a convert. All the party are converts of Mr. Sunday’s. You come back to-morrow morning.”

So it occurred to us that we might pass the time interestingly if we looked up members of the Sunday Campaign Committee who had invited Billy Sunday to regenerate Philadelphia.

Now the Campaign Committee is composed of forty-four of the most prominent businessmen of Philadelphia, and about an equal number of clergymen. For the clergymen, we went to the Reverend George H. Bickley, vice-chairman of the entire
committee, a hard-eyed individual, with a slack enthusiastic mouth

“The reason for getting Billy Sunday here is quite simple,” he said, smoothly. “It is moral
regeneration—the saving of souls—the first step in the regeneration of the city, the state and the country. Reform is in the air. A number of the most prominent businessmen in Philadelphia, realizing the futility of materialistic reforms—you know, that kind of reform doesn’t last, while conversion to Christ does—determined to invite Billy Sunday here to preach. The bringing of men to Christ is the first prime fundamental reform; and, of course, after that is accomplished no other reform is necessary. If all men were converted the world would be good.”

“What is it that determines Sunday to come to a city?” I asked.

He misunderstood the spiritual nature of my question.

“The Citizens’ Committee secured pledges to the amount of $50,000 to underwrite the cost of the campaign,” he said glibly. “We took the pledges to the banks as collateral, and borrowed cash to float the enterprise. In that is included the cost of the tabernacle, rent of offices, employment of staff, literature and rent of halls for meetings, rent of house for the Sunday party, and all other expenses while in town, and payment of two-thirds of the salaries of Mr. Sunday’s assistants, which run from $25 to $100 a week. There are eighteen in the party, and most of them are on the payroll. Mr. Sunday himself pays the other third out of his own pocket.” He paused and fixed us with his cold eye. “Mr. Sunday doesn’t get a cent of that,” he said.

“What does he get? ” we asked.

“Well, on the last day a thank-offering is collected for him. In Wilkes-Barre it amounted to
$19,000; in Scranton, $21,000; and in Pittsburgh, $29,000. Philadelphia will probably give him anywhere from $30,000 to $50,000.”

“Not bad wages,” we said to ourselves, “for ten weeks’ work. And now, Mr. Bickley, does
Sunday’s preaching have any particular effect on social and political conditions?”

“Just what do you mean?”

“I mean, will it help make politics any better in Philadelphia? Will it help workingmen to get a living wage? Will it help clean up the Third Ward, where 130,000 people live packed in one-room tenements in the worst square mile of slums in the world?”

“It will!” said the Reverend Bickley enthusiastically. “It will redeem men from the improvidence that comes from drinking. Slums, you know, are largely the fault of those who live there—dirty, disreputable, vicious people. I can give you two examples. Only two weeks ago a manufacturing man from Riverton, N. J., came to hear Sunday, and ‘hit the trail.’ He had been accustomed to carousing with his associates in a club, and spending his nights in cards and liquor. He returned to Riverton a new man, and went ceaselessly among his vicious associates preaching Jesus Christ. The following week he sent down five hundred of his employees, and more than a hundred were converted. The other was the son of a millionaire, who was fast dissipating the wealth left him in sacred trust by his father among vile women and viler amusements in the low places of Philadelphia. He owns a woolen mill. One night he went to the tabernacle to scoff at Sunday, and was
filled with the vision of Jesus Christ; the next day that man stopped work at his mill at ten o’clock in the morning and had Billy Sunday preach to his workingmen, and he also testified to his own conversion?”

“Did he raise wages after being converted?””N-o,” admitted the Reverend Bickley; “you see, he has only been converted a week.” He paused. “You don’t seem to understand; raising wages is a question of economics, not of religion. It would be utterly impossible anyway to raise wages in the textile industry with conditions as they are. What we need is the Republican Party in power before we can hope to do that.”

“So the logical result of Billy Sunday’s sermons would be the election of the Republican Party?”

“Well,” he agreed, “we hope it will help—” We burst out laughing, and he had the grace to blush as he hurriedly said: “But that is not the important thing, you understand. . . .”

* Since this was written Billy Sunday has ended his campaign in Philadelphia and the papers report that his personal thank-offering amounted to $100,000.

Billy Sunday at Work
“““““

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

Santa Ana Register
(Santa Ana, California)
-May 14, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

Metropolitan
(New York, New York)
-May 1915
http://babel.hathitrust.org/…
“Back of Billy Sunday” by John Reed
-with Illustrations by George Bellows
http://babel.hathitrust.org/…
(Continued on page 66)
http://babel.hathitrust.org/…

IMAGE
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn
http://www.newspapers.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Mercedes Benz – Janis Joplin

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`

Sunday May 16, 1915
Washington D. C. – Mother Jones Testifies Before Walsh Commission

Hellraisers Journal: Tears stream from the eyes of Mother Jones as she tells of industrial horrors.

I reside wherever there is a good fight against wrong-all over the country.
Wherever the workers are fighting the robbers I go there.
-Mother Jones“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Sunday May 16, 1915
Washington D. C. – Mother Jones Testifies Before Walsh Commission

Mother Jones at Ludlow
“““““

Mother Jones was called before the Commission on Industrial Relations last week and gave testimony regarding her many long years as an active participant in the struggles of working class men, women, and children to gain a better life under the present industrial system. At times she wept as she recounted the horrors of the industrial wars that she has witnessed first-hand.Testimony of Mother Jones on May 13th
As reported by the Chicago Daily Tribune:

‘MOTHER’ JONES TELLS OF AID
TO ‘BOYS’ ON STRIKE
—–

Industrial Board Paves Way to Hear
Her Cure for Unrest;
Haywood Again on Stand.
—–

Washington, D. C., May 13-Tales of industrial wars from Pennsylvania to California during the last thirty-five years were recounted before the federal industrial commission today by Mrs. Mary Jones, the “Mother” Jones of scores of strikes.”Mother” Jones told the history of her connection with industrial disturbances preliminary to her examination regarding causes and cures for unrest which will be undertaken tomorrow.

The commission today heard Prof. Frank J. Goodnow, president of Johns Hopkins University, and Harry A. Cyphers of South Bethlehem, Pa., on the treatment of labor in the courts, and concluded the examination of William D. Haywood of the Industrial Workers of the World…

“Mother” Jones on Stand.“Mother” Jones was the next witness. When Chairman Walsh asked her residence she replied:

I reside wherever there is a good fight against wrong. I live wherever the workers are fighting the robbers.

Beginning with the Pennsylvania railroad strike at Pittsburgh in 1877, “Mother” Jones told of her efforts to help “the boys” in their various “fights.” She told of leading an “army” about from mine to mine in the Pennsylvania coal strike of 1900, “Pulling out” the men at work.She related a long story of strikes in West Virginia, Maryland, and Colorado. She described night marches with bands of strikers, battles with the militia, and of caring for strikers, killed and wounded, in strike riots.

The witness told of being carried out of Colorado by militiamen and of hurrying back on the heels of the escort that took her to the state line.

She described the horrors of industrial wars and at times tears streamed from her eyes as she told of the treatment of men, women, and children.

—–[Photograph added.]

Testimony of Mother Jones, May 14th
As reported by The Washington Times:

WORKERS’ WAR NEAR, SAYS MOTHER JONES
—–

Mother Jones with John R Lawson
“““““

Unless the Government checks the use of the militia and private detective gunmen in labor disputes, an uprising of workers is threatened, “Mother” Jones told the Commission on Industrial Relations at its hearing here today. “Mother” Jones reminded the commission that it was an attempt to force a condition of military rule that brought on the American Revolution.Daniel Davenport, a Bridgeport, Conn., attorney, who prosecuted the case against the Danbury hatters for the manufacturers, defended the courts against charges of bias in labor disputes. He clashed with the commission by refusing to give the names of the members of the Anti-Boycott Association, of which he is general counsel, and which was organized to prosecute the hatters’ case.

Scores Agencies.The wiping out of all private detective agencies was suggested by “Mother” Jones as one means of relieving industrial unrest in testimony before the Commission on Industrial Relations today.

“The Government should take over the detective agencies and run them honestly,” the witness said. Other remedies suggested were public ownership of mines and transportation.

“Mother” Jones read a prepared statement in which she served notice that usurpation of power by militia and courts is “making anarchists out of workingmen.”

“The feeling which is rising throughout the United States will result in terrible consequences if not checked, “Mother” Jones continued.

“There is no such thing as equality before the law,” she continued in disputes between capital and labor.”

To illustrate, “Mother” Jones said that 150 miners were indicted following the recent Colorado strike, but that operators were not indicted, though it was established in Congressional hearings that gunmen were imported, and though women and children were slaughtered at Ludlow when the tent colony was destroyed.

Strong defense of John R. Lawson, international board member of the U. M. W. A., was made by “Mother” Jones. She charged that Lawson’s conviction was “framed up” by the creation of a special judge to try him.

[Photograph added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCES

Chicago Daily Tribune
(Chicago, Illinois)
-May 14, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

The Washington Times
(Washington, District of Columbia)
-May 14, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Mother Jones at Ludlow
http://www.socialwelfarehistory.com/…
Mother Jones on Cover of United Mine Workers Journal
of Jan 21, 1915
http://books.google.com/…
John Lawson & Mother Jones,
Wichita Beacon, Kansas, Apr 22, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

See also:
Industrial relations: final report and testimony
United States. Commission on Industrial Relations
-ed by Francis Patrick Walsh, Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Volume 11: 10,067-11,260
https://books.google.com/…
10618-10645-Mother Jones
https://books.google.com/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
THE BALLAD OF THE BALTIMORE REBELLION
(The Great Labor Uprising of 1877)

The strike had spread up west and north
From Baltimore to Pittsburgh,
Rebellion was erupting everywhere
By August the national strike was over
Crushed by gangs of federal soldiers
With 100 people gone and dead
A government sworn to uphold change
Could have made a living wage
But gave the crowd the bullet instead
Governor Carrol served the boss
Baltimore taxes paid the cost
And the railroad barons thanked the President
And Baltimore went back to normal
Poverty, fear, and fruitless toil
Destined to rise up once again
-Ryan Harvey

WE NEVER FORGET

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`

Monday May 17, 1915
Washington, D. C. – The Testimony of Mother Jones Before the Walsh Commission

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones warns: a nation that crushes her producers goes over the breakers.

I don’t want any mercy from any court,
I don’t do anything but what is my duty to do as a citizen of this nation,
and I don’t ask you for mercy.
I am asking for justice, and not mercy,
and I told the judge not to have any mercy on me.
-Mother Jones
“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Monday May 17, 1915
Washington, D. C. – The Testimony of Mother Jones Before the Walsh Commission

On the 13th and 14th of this month, Mother Jones came before the Commission on Industrial Relations, now in session in the nation’s capital. Mother gave testimony regarding her many years of service to the American man, woman, and child of the working class. Newspaper accounts describe the tears streaming down her face as she told of the horrors of the many industrial struggles waged by the producers of the nation over the past many years.Today’s Hellraisers is pleased to offer excerpts from her testimony given on May 13th when she was questioned exclusively by Chairman Frank P. Walsh. Tomorrow we will cover her testimony from May 14th, on which day she testified regarding labor and the law.

TESTIMONY OF MRS. MARY JONES
Washington, D. C., May 13, 1915
Questioned by Chairman Frank P. WalshIntroduction

Chairman Walsh. What is your name?
Mother Jones. Mary Jones.
Chairman Walsh. Where do you reside?
Mother Jones. Well, I reside wherever there is a good fight against wrong— all over the
country.
Chairman Walsh. Do you claim a residence in any particular State?
Mother Jones. No. Wherever the workers are fighting the robbers I go there.
Chairman Walsh. Now, it may seem unnecessary, but you are the lady that is known to
the country as ” Mother Jones,” are you?
Mother Jones. I suppose so, Mr. Walsh.

1877-Pittsburgh Railroad Strike

Mother Jones. Well, the strike began in Martinsburg, Ohio [West Virginia]. It started with the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad employees, and it reached down to Pittsburgh and east to Scranton. I was in New York. I came down. I was a member of the Knights of Labor at that time, and some of the boys met me and asked me to stay over with them, and I did. So the traffic was stopped and a lawless element that had got into Pittsburgh during the panic of 1873, they had gathered in from the eastern part of the country and, of course, began to revolt and started to rioting. The employees of the railroad and others went to the mayor of the city and asked him if he would not swear them in as deputies to preserve the property and have the law enforced. While this was going on the sheriff of the county telegraphed to the governor, and the governor sent the militia.Now, at that time I believe the troops went to Pittsburgh, but the fight turned onto the Pennsylvania Railroad; it concentrated on the Pennsylvania Railroad mostly, and some of the militia was quartered in the roundhouse. The business men of Pittsburgh, who for years had complained of discrimination by the railroad company against the city, were free in their expression of enmity against the company. Some of them connected with this committed acts of violence and actually participated in the riots that followed. Cars were set on fire and run down the tracks to the roundhouse, which was destroyed, together with over 100 locomotives belonging to the Pennsylvania Railroad Co.

The feeling at that time of many workers and sympathizers was one of distrust, and in many instances amounted to hatred, because the corporations of that day were open and successful in passing antilabor legislation, tramp laws, and other legislation, which caused the workers to feel that they were being discriminated against. The corporations succeeded in the passing of the law which required that in case of a strike the train crew should bring in a locomotive to the starting place before the strike would begin. It was because of that legislation that so many locomotives were housed at Pittsburgh and be came the prey to the flames by an outraged populace and not by the workers and not by strikers.

I know most of the strikers; all had done everything they could to keep order. Not but what they felt the sting of the lash, the injustice that was done, but nevertheless they wanted to keep order and be steady otherwise. But the business men were the men who perpetrated the wrongs, because they felt that the railroad company had discriminated against them so much.

1900-Arnot, Pennsylvania

Mother Jones. I had been down in Arnot, Pa. We had a strike there for six months, but there were no deputies and no gunmen and no militia brought in there, and there was no violence. That is the home of the Secretary of Labor [William B. Wilson].During the whole six months, it was a nine months’ strike, but it was six months after I went there; but the men were orderly and they themselves took care of the property. The superintendent and the officials of that company could come up 4 miles from Blossburg at any hour of the night they wanted to alone, and they were not afraid and had no reason to be. That strike was settled very peacefully. The Erie Co. conceded to the men most of what they asked for, and there was no violence during the whole nine months.

1900-The First Great Anthracite Strike

Mother Jones. Then I went into Maryland. I was not in Maryland very long until I was sent for to come into the anthracite region…in 1900….And in that—there were only 7,000 men organized out of 160,000, and I addressed the convention the day that I got in from Maryland and they called the strike right afterwards. Well, of course, we had to go over all the district—three districts—to rally them together. There was no violence up in either Scranton or around Hazelton, and very little of it down in a town named Shamokin—scarcely any violence there, but the militia was brought in. First the company would guard the mines so that the men could not get out, or that we could not get near them; and if we billed a meeting, why the company would always attend the meeting and the men could not; It was the force of the company entirely that attended the meeting, and I concluded that these men had suffered long enough.

I want to say, Mr. Walsh, that I do not take any orders from any officials. I belong to a class who have been robbed, exploited, and plundered down through many long centuries, and because I belong to that class I have an instinct to go and help break the chains; and so I concluded some moves had to be made to bring the men all out; and I organized the men and women, the women particularly, and I made raids every night; we marched and pulled out those mines—the men. There was no violence. The sheriff in Hazelton was a very fine man. He understood the law, and he knew he could manage the affair without bringing the military there.

But I went down to Panther Creek. There were 5,000 men there that could not be reached, and I knew they had to be got out in order to get more bread for the children that were coming, so one night, without saying anything to anyone, I gathered up 2,000 or 3,000 women, and naturally the men followed. That is their natural instinct—to know what we were going to do. We started. I had to go into the saloons and tell them to close up and not give any liquor to the boys. I knew the women did not go near the saloons; I was the only one that did. We marched, and about 2 or 3 o’clock in the morning we met the militia.

There was a poor little sheriff, not to be condemned at all, but he was unable to grasp the thing, and he yelled like a mad dog in the night to send the guns to him, the governor. I did not know it, or I would have telegraphed the governor, to keep the guns at home and there would be no trouble. Then we marched 15 miles over the mountains from Hazelton to Panther Creek, and there we met the militia in the middle of the night.

The militia did not know what kind of an army I had with me. He thought it was just a few strikers; he told us to go back. I told him that the American workingman never goes backward; we go forward, and we did not go out to go back; and he said he would charge bayonets. Well, he didn’t do it anyway; but it took us three hours to go back 2 miles. I don’t like to resist officers and create any trouble, but I saw he was a sort of a Sunday-school fellow and there wasn’t very much to him, and I concluded to just pat him on the back a little, and I pulled out the 5,000 men…

Yes [I induced the 5,000 men to go out on strike]; I wanted them to win the fight. I had a large army with me and I wanted them all, and so I had to get these miners out, because they were furnishing the coal. I brought out the 5,000 men. We held up the street cars and did not hurt anybody, and the men—oh, once in awhile when a boss wanted to jump over us we picked him up and threw him over the fence to his wife, and told her to take care of him. We did not hurt him, but we wanted him out of our way; so that thing continued until 10 o’clock in the morning ; and we had the 5.000 men out and that ended it, and that part of the strike was ended peacefully.

The women had nothing but brooms and mops and they were very hungry, and the militia had ordered breakfast at some hotel and I told the women go in and eat their breakfast and let the State pay for it; and it was our breakfast anyhow. So they did. We ate the breakfast. We had more strength to get back.

1902-Parkersburg, West Virginia

Mother Jones. The prosecuting attorney recommended me to the mercy of the court [of Federal Judge John Jay Jackson]. I don’t want any mercy from any court. I don’t do anything but what is my duty to do as a citizen of this Nation, and I don’t ask you for mercy. I am asking for justice, and not mercy, and I told the judge not to have any mercy on me.

1902-The Raleigh County Massacre

Mother Jones.…Now, then, I am coming to that part of it—the strike of 1902 in West Virginia. There is a very sad, sad story to be told about that. They were pretty peaceful boys down there as a rule, and we kept them in line, and there was one mountain, Standford Stanaford Mountain, and they had issued this injunction, that men could not look at the mines. That injunction was always issued on me, and the boys went one day to take a walk along the highway and came back and went home peacefully and quietly, interfering with nobody nor anything. They had never been in court in their lives, none of those boys; they were law-abiding, good men, living quietly up there in the mountains.The United States deputy marshal came In the next morning with a warrant for 33 of them. They were holding a meeting in their hall, quietly, and he read the warrant, and some said, “You can’t arrest us; we have broken no law; we have hurt nobody; and you will have to leave the town.” I think his brother was a company doctor, and they asked him to come, and he did come down and take him away. Anyhow, the next night they went up that mountain, and they shot seven men while they slept. There were about 100 of those gunmen and their deputies and these mine owners and their sons, and they went up that mountain, and while those men slept they shot them; they riddled their little shacks with bullets and wounded 23 as they were sleeping.

I was going to a meeting the next morning very early, and I was told what happened, and I went and called a couple of boys and told them that they had had some trouble on Standford Mountain, and let’s go up. We went up, and the picture I shall never forget. The mattresses were all seeping with blood, and the bodies were lying there. It was sad, and I shudder at the picture, and the women were screaming, and the babies were running to me to call back their papas. It was a sad, sad picture. I knew those men had violated no law outside of walking on the highway and that supposed injunction. They got a coroner, and he held an inquest over them. A few were arrested, but no one was ever convicted for the crime.

Five or six days after this I went back up that mountain; there was a grave out in the field, and a woman was over it and a little baby, and the little baby, when she saw me she screamed, and she said, ” Oh, Mother Jones, come and pick up my papa!” And she was scraping the clay with her little, tender hands, and the wife was watering with her tears. That young man was as law-abiding a young man, I think, as you could find in the country. I don’t think he ever thought of such thing, but he was shot while standing up on the mountains.

1903 & 1904-Colorado Coalfield Strike

Mother Jones. In 1903. That was the first [Colorado Coalfield] strike. The governor sent for me, and I never go to see those officers alone; I generally take some of our officials with me when I go. I know them pretty well. He said, “Are you going to have a strike in the southern coal fields, Mother Jones?” I said, “I don’t know, Governor [Peabody]; that is up to you. If you can bring the conflicting parties together, I think we can ward off the strike, and both sides concede.” He said, “I don’t want a strike.” “Neither do I, but we will strike rather than slavery.” I said, “I suppose you are very anxious to know, Governor?” And he said, “Yes, I am; why do you think so?”And I said, “I suppose you want to get your militia ready to go out.” He said that he had them already in another district in Colorado to open a mine. I was not aware that the State owned the mines. I thought they were private property, belonging to a combination of private individuals, and he said, “So they are, but we have to get the militia after that lawbreaking organization.”

“Who are you talking about, the Western Federation of Miners?” “Yes.” And I said, “It is strange that they have become lawless and lawbreakers since you got in. They have developed this State and have their families here, and I think they would hardly become rioters at once.” He said. “I won’t discuss it.” And I said, “What did you send for me for?” And he said, “I want to know if you are going to have a strike.” And I said, “Yes, we are, and you had just as well know it now as any time.”

And I went back, and the strike order went out. I went around holding meetings of the men, women, and children. We didn’t have as large a tent colony then as afterwards. From the miners themselves there was little violence at that time, but the militia was brought in there. The sheriff came to me Saturday night and said, “Mother Jones, I heard the miners are going to organize and make a raid down on some camp” he told me about, and I said, “Sheriff, you are sheriff of the county, and you ought to know that these miners are not going to do anything of the kind. If they do, I would know it the first one.”

He said, “The governor has a representative here.” “Of course, that is perfectly natural that he would have a representative here, but there is no need of the governor sending any troops here. You and your officers of the law here can take care of this situation. There has been no trouble that amounts to anything, and let me guaranty to you that if there is to be any trouble I will give you the first news. Is there any trouble in the county?” “Not that I know of,” he said.

And I said, “If there is, you get your buggy right out.” It was 11 o’clock at night, but I says, “I will go with you to any part of the county, and I will guaranty to you that if there is any trouble we will stop it immediately.” “There is none, Mother.” he said. I said, “Very well, why don’t you go home and to bed and don’t bother about this?”

The militia came on Monday. They gambled all night. The representative of the C. F. & I.—I have forgotten his name—and the sheriff and this militia man; one of them lost, I heard, $700, but that didn’t bother me, because it didn’t concern me how much it was; it was among themselves. However, Monday the militia came in, and we didn’t know anything about it until I got a telephone message from Denver early in the morning, and they said they are mobilizing the militia here, and I think they are going to Trinidad; you had better watch yourself; and I said, “Let them come,” and that afternoon the militia came in, and I told one of our officers that I had just got a telephone from Denver that they were mobilizing the militia, and that he had better see the boys and tell them to keep quiet, and he did, and the militia came.

I went out to the camp several days, talking to the women and children, and Saturday evening I came in; I had been out all day. But before that we went out to a meeting, and coming back from that meeting I met a wagon loaded with guns that were going to Bowen, I think, and I said to the party with me, “There has been something doing; if those fellows belong to Bowen, they are the gunmen,” and I think the superintendent was with them; I am not certain.

But when we came back to Bowen a young woman came out screaming. She said, “Stop, oh, stop,” and I said to the party with me, “I guess they are drinking in there; keep away, don’t mix in it,” and she pleaded and pleaded and pulled and pulled; she was an Italian; and so we finally went in. I went into the house, and old man Farley sat there with his head all tied up, and a young man named Rooney was lying in bed all covered with blood. You could have put your finger down through him. They had been at a meeting and were coming home when those fellows attacked them from ambush and almost beat them to death.

There was not very much violence during that strike until the militia came. Then one Saturday night I was going to bed when a knock came on the door, and I said, Come in,” and the militiaman opened the door and he said, ” Come on;” and, of course, I had to go; there was the bayonets, and I said, “Just wait a moment, will you please, until I dress?” And so I went up to the militia headquarters, and the major asked me where I lived, and I told him I lived wherever there was a fight, and so he called the militia, seven of them, and told me to get my things, and I got a few little things I had, and there was such a hurry—there were seven militiamen, two at my back and two at each side and one in front of me—and they took me down the street and put me on the train and went with me to La Junta, Colo., and left me at the depot at La Junta.

I had only 5 cents in my pocket. And a railroad man came, and an Associated Press man, and he said, “Are you Mother Jones?” And I said, ” Yes,” and he said, ” I thought so, because I saw the militia going.” And I followed the militia when I saw they were leaving me there, and I said, “I want to say to you fellows that there is not money enough in the United States Treasury to hire me to acknowledge I was the mother of one of you.” They didn’t say anything, and they went away. This Associated Press man and the railroad man came and asked me what I was going to do, and I said I didn’t know, I didn’t have time to decide.

And I found out there was two of our men there, but the railroad man gave me money. They did not go back, but went to Indianapolis. I went back. I had orders not to come back, but no governor owns the State and no President owns the United States, and I happened to be in this country before any of them, and I had a share of stock in there, and I said I was going back the next morning, and I went back the next morning.

Well, I sent the governor a note, which was not a very polite one, either, because when I get worked up I am not a very polite character, Mr. Walsh.

Spring 1904-Utah

Mother Jones. I went then to Helper, Utah. And I went to the hotel at midnight and got a room, and the next morning I got my breakfast and went to the post office in the morning and got my mail, and I saw I was watched; they went to the post office to find out when I got my mail, and I went to an Italian family and got a room in that house, and I took my things over there and didn’t see anything more until the next day, when we were going to have a meeting. The next day was Sunday, and the miners all came up. There was a vacant lot in front of the house where I was staying, and the miners all came along and we were going to hold the meeting there, and the company doctor came and said, you know he didn’t think it was right to hold the meeting, and the marshal said, “I don’t think it is right for you to hold the meeting here, and I don’t think you ought to do it.”I said, “How far does your jurisdiction extend?” And he told me, and I said, “Well, we will go outside of your jurisdiction.” And I took the miners and went 24 miles down farther. I held the meeting. They had notified the railroad men not to come to my meeting, but the men all came, and I held the meeting and went back and went to my room. Quite a number of the boys came up town again, and I had not been in the room 10 minutes until the company’s doctor and the marshal came in and said, “You are quarantined, Mother Jones, for 16 days.” I said, “What is the matter?” And they said, “Why, you might have had the smallpox.” Well, I said, “Maybe I have, but why don’t you quarantine the whole train?” They said, “You know you mingle about a great deal.”

I never have an argument, because it don’t do any good and it causes trouble, and I was afraid the men would get excited, and I said, “Boys, you go on down town.” And he came along Monday and put a yellow flag on the door, “Smallpox in here.” He brought me some books and magazines, and I put them in the stove, because I thought the poor little stove would do anything for his corporation and I put the books in the stove, and the next day, Tuesday, the secretary for the miners came and he was sitting there and I was discussing things with him what they should do, so along came this doctor, and he said, “My, my, my, didn’t I tell you not to let anybody inside that gate?”

And I said, “You did not; I am a patient, and if you want to keep anybody outside that gate you put a picket at the gate and keep people out; I am a patient and I am not going to do picket work also.” And he took hold of this fellow and he got scared, and I said, “Mike, don’t get scared, he is only going to inject something into you; don’t get afraid; let him inject it.”

And they took me down and I was put in the back of an old store. There was no violence, for these miners were as lawabidlng as this audience is; there was not a single one of them doing anything, only just striking. They were singing a little down in their tents. I was in the back of an old store, and on Saturday night I learned that they were coming in Sunday morning and going to arrest all of the boys; so I sent for them and I said, “Have you got any guns?” And they said, “Yes.” And I said, “You take them up and bury them under the range,” because I thought if the boys that had their guns and those men came in suddenly there would be some trouble; and I said, ” Boys, you go and bury your guns and you go back; I am going to stay up all night,” and they said “No” and I said “Yes,” and to-morrow we will talk things over.

At 4 o’clock in the morning the sheriff and 45 deputies came up. I heard them whooping, and so I put my head out of the window and said, “What is the matter?” The sheriff was the first one, and he said, “We are going to arrest all these fellows.” I said, “What have they done?” He said, “They are striking.” I said, “They have a right to strike; this Nation was founded on a strike, and they have the right to strike; and we have a right to strike; Washington struck against King George, and we will strike against King Gould.” But they took them all; they were not allowed to put on their clothes, and they shook like aspen leaves. They took them up several miles and held them there until night and got a box car and took them down to Price.

After they were gone a woman came to me with her babe, weeping bitterly, and said, “You see my Johnnie?” I said, “Yes,” and she said, “Let me tell you, Mother, this baby was born at 11 o’clock at night, and I got up in the morning and got breakfast for 11 men to go into the mines.” And she was watering the baby with her tears. “Now,” she said, “tell me what to do; they have got my John; they have got my house; we rented a little piece of land from the company, and I took in boarders and I put up a little house on it, and I want to give my children a chance; but now they have got my house, they have my health, and they have got my John, and what will I do?”

Now, I want to say to this commission and to this audience that are listening here, on the quivering heart and the aching breast and blasted hopes of this mother, and of thousands like her, Miss Gould and her class carries on her philanthropy in the Scofield mines, where 400 men were roasted to death; their bones are rotting out there, and their wives and children are carrying on life’s struggle as best they can, and, my friends, we can have no civilization until such things are abolished.

That woman with her babe and four children was sad to look at, but she is only one of many thousands I know of in this terrific struggle for industrial freedom. It touches a human cord in most anyone. I brought that up before Mr. Rockefeller when I had the meeting with him. I feel that men in that position do not grasp these things as they are, nor do the people outside, nor do our officials who live in offices, nor do our newspaper men; it takes those who are down with them to see the horrors of this industrial tragedy that is going on in our Nation to-day.

1910-Westmoreland, Pennsylvania, Strike

Mother Jones. I went into that Westmoreland strike, and I did not have any conflict with the constabulary. The only time I came against them at all was when 12 or 13 women were arrested one day and carried into a squire’s office; and he, poor wretch, you could see he was a narrow creature; and I went with the women, and I told them to take their babes along. I said, “Wherever you go, take the children, they are yours “; and so the women took all their little ones and babes; and when the people gave their evidence about them, which did not amount to anything, the judge said he would fine them $30 apiece. I said to the women, ” Tell him you are not going to pay it,” and he said, “Then you will get 30 days in jail.” I said, “Tell him all right, they will go to jail.” And the women asked for some one who could take the babies, and I said, “No; God Almighty gave you the babies, and you keep them until they are taken away from you.”Two of the constabulary went with the women, and the women ran across some scabs on the way and they licked them, and I took care of the babies until they licked the scabs.

On the way to Greensburg the motorman wanted to stop the car, and I said, “You can’t stop this car, it is contrary to law; you must obey the law until you get to the station.” They said, “These fellows want to get off,” and I said, “You won’t let us off, and you won’t let them off.”

Well, the women were singing all the way to Greensburg. and the two constabulary turned them over to the sheriff, and the sheriff said, “Mother Jones, I would rather you had brought me a hundred men than these women”; and I said, “I didn’t bring them, the old squire sent them up; you hold him responsible.” He said, “I don’t know how to manage them” ; and I said, “What did you get married for if you can’t manage women; these women are peaceable, you can manage them.” And they were sent up to the room, and I sent them food, and milk for the babies; and I said to the women, “You sing all night, sing all day if you want to, but sing all night and don’t stop for anybody.” And they didn’t; they sang the whole night, and the people complained about the singing, and the women would not shut up, and the babies would not shut up, and nobody would shut up, and they turned them all out.

1912-Cabin Creek, West Virginia

Mother Jones. One night two of the miners came to me at about 2 o’clock at night, at Montgomery, and they said, “We have been down to Charleston, and no one will go up Cabin Creek; will you come?” I said, “Yes.” For nine years no organizer had dared to go up that creek, and if he did, he came out on a stretcher, or a corpse. The boys said, “They will kill you, Mother “; and I said, “It don’t make any difference to me when I get killed; there is a duty to be performed, and I am going.” I said, “Is it billed?” And they said, “No”; and I said, “I will attend to that,” and the railroad men circulated the bills.I went up on Tuesday, and the governor heard I was going and sent a company of the militia; and those men came down over those mountains, and their toes were out through their shoes; they walked 12 miles, some of them. They stood there and looked up as much as to say, “Have you brought us any message of hope? “I talked to them with the militia there, and the company’s representatives, and I said, “Boys, freedom is not dead,” and some poor wretch hollowed, “Where is she?” “She is gently sleeping, and when you call her she will awake.” Those men screamed, and they said, “Will you organize us, Mother?” I said, “Yes.” They said, “Into what?” I said, “Into the mine workers,” and I said, “If you get organized, will you stay organized? I left you all organized 10 years ago when I went away,” and they said, “We will, Mother.” I took them over by the church; I don’t go to church; I am waiting outside for the fellows in the church to come out and fight with me, and then I will go in. Outside of the church I stood up on a bench and organized the men, and I said for everyone to take out their mine clothes in the morning and to take their picks and shovels and dig coal, and I said, “To-morrow you go to work and don’t say anything about this meeting.”

1913-The West Virginia Court Martial

Mother Jones in West Virginia Military Bastille, 1913

Mother Jones. I carried the fight on—I knew the boys would—only this is a spectacular age. They have no conception of freedom or justice; until it hits them they don’t care. I thought, “I will make a move that will stir the State and draw the attention of the people to this “; and I went out, and at that time I got 3,000 or 4,000 miners and came up to the capitol with a banner which said, “Nero fiddled while Rome burned”; that is what the governor of West Virginia did. And we went into the Statehouse grounds, and I read the document to the governor asking him to do away with the Baldwin guards; that this Nation was not founded to be governed by gunmen; and I read the document on the steps of the statehouse to about 5,000 people. The governor was at my right, and I said that if the Government would not do business that we would by 8 o’clock to-morrow night. So we sent the document in, and the governor still remained there, and they said, “We will wait, Mother, for him to answer “; and I said, “No; you go back.”…So I said to the crowd, “This governor is not going to do anything for you.” Some one said, “Why?” I said, “Because the biggest political crook that ever cursed a nation elected him—Senator Elkins,” and when he says “Bark,” he does it.

I talked for an hour and a half, and there is an inscription on the steps of the capitol that mountaineers are always free, and I called attention to that Inscription and I said, “Now, I want to state right here to this audience that we are going to make that good or we will tear up the inscription,” and the governor stood there; and so when the meeting was over I went away. I was tired and worn out, for I had been preparing for that for some days; and some one got up and began to blow off a lot of locomotive hot air, and the boys came up to me to stop it, and I took him by the shoulder and told him to get down, and I got up and said, “This meeting stands adjourned until I need you again. And I want you to stay away from the saloons and save your money, because you will need it.” Somebody in the audience hollowed, “Well, what will we do with it. Mother?” “Buy a gun,” said I; and they bought the guns; they went to every store in town and bought the guns and put them on their shoulders and went off with them.

…So [arriving later in Charleston] I was arrested as soon as I got off the train and thrown into an automobile and carried down to the Robber’s Roost, a hotel near the bridge, which I call the Robber’s Roost, because the pirates used always to put up there. So there, was no warrant that I saw, and so I was taken to the C. & O. train and put on the C. & O. train and carried down and handed over to the military 25 miles from where I was arrested.

And I was handed over to the military while the civil court was open. Well, I was held there for three months, and they established a drumhead court and the court appointed two lawyers, and they came to see me, and they said that the court appointed them to defend me. I said, “Gentlemen, personally I have nothing in the world against you; but there is no lawyer in the United States that will defend me in that court.” Well, some civilian lawyers came down, and they wanted to defend me—not to cost anything, and I said, “No, sir; there is no lawyer will ever go into that court to defend me.”

And so we were taken into court. I think we were, five days there and some nights until 11 o’clock at night. There were about 30 of the men that consented to take a lawyer, but there were six or seven of us that would not have a lawyer to defend us, and we were sent over to the bull pen and the boys were held in their bull pen and I was held in mine, and we saw the military on each side of the bull pen day and night watching.

And it was great fun for me. I used to see the poor kids dressed up in that uniform, and I wondered what their mothers thought of them; and I used to feel sorry for them, and I used to give them an apple once in a while. There was a break in the floor and they used to send things up to me out of the cellar; and I felt sorry for them because they were carrying guns to shoot people, and I used to give them an apple…

The “Bull Moose..” The train the military used. And they came down several nights; and a party in it wanted me to go to Ohio; said my health would break down there. ” Well, let it break. I have only one death to meet. … Well, the attorney general, I think it was, that came down, and I said to the attorney general, “Now, I want to make a statement right here. This thing has got to end. I want to tell the governor of the State that he can chain me to that tree outside there and he can get his dogs of war to riddle this body with bullets, but I will not surrender my constitutional rights to him. I happen to be one of the women who tramped the highways where the blood of the revolutionists watered it that I might have a trial by jury. The civil courts are open, and I demand that the law be enforced.” And so I did not; we were tried, anyhow. We were kept in that bull pen, but I would not surrender.

May 1913-Telegram to Senator Kern

Mother Jones. And I got a telegram blank and made up a telegram, and this is about what it stated:

Senator Keen, Washington, D. C:
From out the military prison at [Platt], W. Va., I send to you the groans and heartbreaks and tears of men, women, and children, as I have heard them in this State, pleading with you in their behalf for the honor of the nation to push that investigation, and children yet unborn will rise and call you blessed.

And I had two bottles and I rang them together, and a fellow came down in the cellar, and he came, and I says, “You take that up as quick as you can to that telegraph office. Don’t go to this one here, but go 3 miles up the road, and tell him to send that telegram to Washington for me”; and the fellow says, “This is fine stuff; tell Mother Jones it will be in Washington before you get home.” And so I slept good that night, when I knew that telegram had gone to Washington, and I had bluffed the gang in Wall Street for once; and I had a good sleep.And the thing came up in the Senate, and old Judge Goff—he is not a bad fellow at all, but he has been dead for 40 years and doesn’t know it. The old judge had a telegram from the governor stating that I was not at all incarcerated; that I was in a very pleasant boarding house; and he went on about outside agitators, and who they were and what they were. Well, this Nation was founded on agitation. The chattel slavery was abolished through agitation, and God grant the agitation keeps up until the last chain of slavery is broken. And he said, “That is old Mother Jones, and I want to tell you that if you listen to her as I did you will find out she will convince you.” But I never convinced him; but he should never have been in the United States Senate at all. The old fellow was not a bad fellow, but he is dead and the world has run beyond him.

Senator Kern pulled out his telegram and read, and the Senators in Washington told me that in 50 years nothing had ever struck the Senate like that telegram. I says, “Well, thank God, something struck them; they needed a cyclone once in a while, and if the telegram stirred them up, so much the better.”

September 1913-The Colorado Strike Begins

Mother Jones. I went out to the colony because it was rainy and drizzly, and I wanted to see that the little children were cared for, if there were any there; and I went to carry some clothing to them. In that 14 miles between Trinidad and the tent colony I met 28 wagons; mothers with babies in their arms were walking. It was a cold, drizzling rain. I want to say to this commission that it was the earthly belongings of those people, it was their earthly savings that were in those wagons. There Is not a second-hand man in the United States that would have given $30 for the contents of the 28 wagons, yet it was all those people had. When I came to the tents, the mattresses were wet, and I said to the women, “You didn’t sleep there all night?” “Yes; and the baby slept, too.” And an Italian said—I said, “Joe, where did you sleep?” And he says, “Out on the ground.” ” Why, it was raining and the ground was wet.” “Sure, mother,” he said, “but I no like the company; like better than sleep in company house.” Now, this was the sentiment, and nobody can understand this unless they live with those people. I know their lives, and it was on the blood of those people that we carry on our charity institutions and everything else. And that tent colony went on, and we fed them, and then the scabs were coming—

January 1914-Trinidad, Colorado: Deportation and Arrest

Women March for Mother Jones, Trinidad Jan 23, 1914

Mother Jones. Well, then, the scabbers were coming in from Mexico; I had been to Mexico a few years before that, down to see Madero and De la Barra and other men; and I was going to El Paso to stop the scabs coming in, and I went down. I was there a week and held some meetings, and I wanted to see the revolutionists and have a talk with them.The morning I came back was the 4th of January, 1914. When I got off of the train here was the bunch. I got off of the Santa Fe. They ran and said, “Here she comes,” and I looked around. “Take her back.” I said, “What is the matter?” “We have got you.” “Here I am, take me, I am going to Denver.” ” Get on that train.” “I am not going on that train.” “Get in here and get your ticket.” “They don’t sell the C. & S. tickets in that office.”

He went and asked the telephone, and they said there would not be a train for an hour and a quarter yet, so I was put in an automobile and taken to the Columbia Hotel, and I was taken to a room. On the way to the room I said that I had not had any breakfast; I would like to have some breakfast. They said, “Take her in to breakfast,” and I asked the captain who was escorting me, I said, “Who Is going to pay for this?” And he said. “The State will pay for it.” And I said, “All right, if the State pays for it I will get a good breakfast.” I don’t often have an opportunity to do that, but the State was paying for it and I got a good break fast. I was taken to the room, and a half a dozen were there to take care of me.

The train came and the automobile came, and with three bayonets, one at my back and one at my left, and this fellow that had arrested me was at my right, and there were two others in front. When I got to the depot there were the cavalry and the infantry and the gunmen after one old woman 80 years old. I said, “You are awful brave fellows, your mothers ought to put you in a nursery and give you a nursing bottle for 10 years.” I got on the train and the captain came along and said that he was going to Denver. I told him I was glad to have him. He came along and said, “Don’t come back,” and I said, “If I don’t feel like it, I won’t,” and so I went on into Denver.

While I was here in Washington I picked up a paper and saw where the governor would have me arrested if I came back, and I won’t let any governor run a State that I have an interest in; I have one share of stock, and so I went back, and he put two detectives in the hotel to watch me. He put one at the gate watching the trains, and I thought that I would fix him right there, and I would let the world see that you are not such a wonderful governor after all.

The militia was there, and a man, I think he called himself a humane man, I don’t know whether he was taking care of dogs or human beings, but he came up Sunday and said, “Are you going down to Trinidad, Mother?” And I said, “Yes.” And he said, “When?” And I said, “The last of the week.” And he said, “I want to know because I want to go on the train with you.”

I told him I would be glad to have him, I knew he was a Baldwin rat, and I wanted to go along. He said, “Where are you going this afternoon?” And I said, “Trade and labor.” And he said, “May I go with you?” And he escorted me up the street so no one would hurt me, and I said, “I told the boys that the governor said I could not go to Trinidad, but that he didn’t own it; I had a share of stock in it, but that I was not going until the last of the week; that I had some matters coming from Washington.” I went to my room, and the fellow went home contented; he said there were two other fellows in a house across the street in a room watching me.

I had my sleeper all bought on Saturday, and I got into the sleeper and went to sleep, and when the train pulled out I was asleep, and I told the conductor when he got there to stop the train before it got to the depot. He held up the train, and I got down and walked up the street and into the hotel and sent out and got my breakfast, and was in the hotel three hours before they found out I was there. I sent for the boys, and they came up and I said to the boys that they were liable to arrest me, but don’t you fellows make any fuss or move; just let them arrest me; don’t say a word and make a move, and keep the boys all quiet and off of the streets, because you can not do that, because the curiosity of an animal is aroused whenever anything is going on.

So I had my breakfast, and presently along came the troopers—tramp, tramp, tramp—after three hours. The governor had telephoned and telegraphed, “Arrest her at once,” and the general said, “Get her,” so they did. I said, “You come after me,” and they said, “Yes.” I said, “Wait until I get my few duds.” I got into an automobile, with a bunch of guns and bayonets behind me and in front, and the poor fellow that was running the automobile was scared to death, but I told him to keep that machine going straight, that they wouldn’t hurt him. There was 150 cavalry, 150 infantry, 150 horses with their heads poked at me, 150 gunmen of the Standard Oil Co., and the old woman, and I shook my hands to the boys good-by.

I was taken to the hospital and put in a room, and I was kept there for nine weeks and didn’t see a human being except Attorney Hawkins. But there was a thing that they called a colonel that came along once in a while that wanted me to go to Denver. But I said, “No; I will stay here.” He would come strutting about every now and then, and there were a lot of poor boys there. They had stationed three of the militiamen—three on the outside of the door and two in that room and one outside of the window.

I couldn’t eat. I didn’t have much appetite locked up in a room, and so I gave my food to the militia boys. They are good boys when you get at them right, and I gave my fruit to them to eat and got on the right side of those fellows, and they told me they had not gotten any money for several weeks, and I said, “I have five or six dollars. I will give it to you boys, and you can go to the show to-night.” I gave it to them, and they went, and I got them with me, and they said, “I will tell you, Mother, we will never take up a gun again to shoot a worker,” and I said, “That is what you should have done before.”

Chairman Walsh. At this point, Mother Jones, we will stand adjourned until to-morrow morning.
Mother Jones. I have a good deal to tell you yet, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Walsh. All right.
(Whereupon, the hour for adjournment having arrived, the commission here adjourned until Friday, May 14, 1915, at 10 a. m. )

Note:

paragraph breaks and emphasis added to above testimony of Mother Jones.

~~~~~~~~~~SOURCES

Industrial relations: final report and testimony
United States. Commission on Industrial Relations
-ed by Francis Patrick Walsh, Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Volume 11: https://books.google.com/…
10586-Washington, D. C, Thursday, May 13, 1915—10 a. m. Present: Chairman Walsh; Commissioners Harriman, Garretson, Lennon, Weinstock, and O’Connell.
https://books.google.com/…
10618-PM: Testimony of Mrs Mary Jones
https://books.google.com/…

Mother Jones Speaks
-ed by Philip S Foner
NY, 1983

IMAGES
Mother Jones with Strikers Children
http://digital.library.upenn.edu/…
Mother Mary Harris Jones, Miners Angel
http://www.biography.com/…
Mother Mary Harris Jones Standing
http://theadvocateonline.com/…
Mother Jones, Appeal to Reason, Mar 11, 1905
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Mother Jones, Raising Hell
http://www.laborheritage.org/…
Mother Jones in West Virginia Military Bastille, 1913
http://www.wvculture.org/…
Women March for Mother Jones, Trinidad Jan 23, 1914
http://www.du.edu/…

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
The Death of Mother Jones-Gene Autry

O’er the hills and through the valley
In ev’ry mining town;
Mother Jones was ready to help them,
She never turned them down.
On front with the striking miners
She always could be found;
And received a hearty welcome
In ev’ry mining town.

““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`

Tuesday May 18, 1915
Washington, D. C., – Mother Jones Wraps Up Her Testimony Before Walsh Commission

Hellraisers Journal: Mother Jones: That which is Nature’s should be given to all Nature’s Children.

The newspapers were hammering me,
and the priests and the ministers were hammering me,
but I am alive yet,
I am still here, hammering them.
-Mother Jones“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Tuesday May 18, 1915
Washington, D. C., – Mother Jones Wraps Up Her Testimony Before Walsh Commission

MotherJones__Great_Bend_(KS)_Tribune_of_Mar_6__1915__cropped

On Friday May 14th, Mother Jones appeared before the Commission on Industrial Relations to conclude her testimony. She was questioned on that day by Chairman Walsh and by Commissioner Weinstock.She made many memorable statements on during these interrogations.

Regarding the time spent in the cold cellar cell at Walsenburg, Colorado, she said:

And so I was put in the cellar. It was cold, it was a horrible place, and they thought it would sicken me, but I concluded to stay in that cellar and fight them out. I had sewer rats that long every night to fight, and all I had was a beer bottle; I would get one rat, and another would run across the cellar at me. I fought the rats inside and out just alike.

Speaking of a mass meeting held in Philadelphia before the March of the Mill Children, she declared:

I showed them children with their hands off, a sacrifice on the altar of profit, giving to this Nation maimed and useless citizens.I spoke to the ministers, and asked them if they were not carrying out Christ’s doctrine, suffer little children to come unto me, they are all that is pure and holy, and you say “Suffer the little ones to go into the slave pens, and we will grind them into profit.” And that is what is done.

When asked by Commissioner Weinstock if she had respect for Law and Order, she replied:

I certainly do, but when the law jumps all over my class and there is no law for my class, and it is only for the other fellow, then I want to educate my people so as to put my people on the bench…

And she further stated:

I am always in favor of obeying the law; but if the high-class burglar breaks the law and defies it, then I say we will have a law that will defend the Nation and our people.

When asked for recommendations that the Commission could take to the U. S. Congress, one of Mother’s suggestions was public ownership of the mines:

Now, I believe in taking over the mines, Mr. Weinstock. They are mineral, and no operator, no coal company on the face of the earth made that coal. It is a mineral; it belongs to the Nation; it was there down the ages, and it belongs to every generation that comes along, and no set of men should be permitted to use that which is nature’s. It should be given to all of nature’s children in other nations.

Note:

emphasis added to above quotations.Below the fold, Hellraisers offers excerpts from the May 14th testimony of Mother Jones.

TESTIMONY OF MRS. MARY JONES—Recalled
Washington, D. C., May 14, 1915
Questioned by Chairman WalshEarly 1914-In the Cold Cellar Cell at Walsenburg, Colorado

Mother Jones in New York at hearings of Commission on Industrial Relations, Jan 1915, from Evening Public Ledger of Philadelphia of Jan 22nd.

From Philadelphia’s Evening Public Ledger
of January 22, 1915
“““““

Chairman Walsh. I think last night when we adjourned, Mrs. Jones, you had just detailed your arrest in Colorado, and if you would, please, I wish you would continue and put in the whole Colorado incident down to the end, so far as it has to do with you.Mother Jones. I think I closed about where I was arrested.

Chairman Walsh. You were arrested at Trinidad?

Mother Jones. And taken to the Sisters of Mercy Hospital. They turned it into a prison, a portion of it, and I was incarcerated there with three military men, one in front of the door, and one at each side of the door, and one outside of the window, and the whole military camp across the way from the hospital, and then the headquarters of the military was in the next room to me.

And I didn’t see anyone for the nine weeks that I was incarcerated there but my attorney…Mr. Hawkins and Mr. Clark, who represented him. He came once to see me to get me to sign some documents for writ of habeas corpus, and Maj. Boughton came with him; and I made some remarks with regard to they wouldn’t get the writ of habeas corpus granted from the judge there. I knew very well they would not, because he represented the interests there, and I did not want our people to spend any money, because they had none to spend. So, however, they applied for the habeas corpus and it was not granted.

The superioress came and told me—I think the colonel got her to do so, thinking I would succumb and surrender—that it was turned down. I said, “All right,” and she says, ” You ought to go to Denver.” ” I will go when I get ready; when my hands are free. I don’t need any instructions or advice on that at all.” And so she went away and I was kept there; I never got any mail, not a newspaper or a postal card or a single thing for nine long weeks that I was alone in that room.

But the colonel used to come every once in a while to see me to see if I was getting ready to surrender, and I said, ” Colonel, I will not surrender,” or “captain.” He says, “I am not a captain; you are pulling me down.” I says, “What are you?” He says, “A colonel.” He was a strutting back to tell me what his title was, and so on. I says, “All right, sir.” And so he went away and didn’t come back for a day or two. And I never saw Gen. Chase at all until the morning I was taken to Denver, at the close of the nine weeks, when they were going into the supreme court in Denver for writ of habeas corpus. He came to me on Sunday and he said, “Would you go up and see the governor if he wishes to see you?” I waited a moment and I said, ” Well, yes; I will go up and see the governor if he wishes to see me. While I have no respect for the governor personally, I have a great deal for the office he holds, and out of respect I hold for the office he holds I shall comply with his request.” And so that is all I heard of it.

And he came that evening eight minutes before the Santa Fe train was to go out, in an automobile, and said, “Are you ready?” “Why,” I said, “No; I am just getting ready to retire.” He says, “Get ready; they are going in eight minutes.” He said. “Jump, jump, jump.” Well, I had a little valise there, and I got it and I handed it out to the guard at the door to put the straps on it, and he took the valise and threw it out in the automobile, and they locked the guard up in his room and cleared the whole hall, and so I was taken down the back way—not the front way at all, but the back way—and was put into an automobile in the dark.

The automobile ran away. I had the fellow that was running it—he was running it down by the C. & S. road—to make a short cut to the Santa Fe; and he made him go around some dark alleys. I want to say, Mr. Walsh, it was the first time in my life that I made up my mind I was going to die; I concluded that they were going to kill me, and I was preparing to make a fight before I left. However, after a while we struck the Santa Fe train, pulled away, out entirely away from the depot. That was switched away from the depot, and I was put on. I got a little relief when I was up in the Pullman, and so I went to bed. There were two of the military officers there, this man colonel that used to come all of the time, and another one, a doctor, and we went into Denver.

In the morning the general met me at the train. He introduced me to the general, and I didn’t catch his first name, and I said to the colonel, “Who is that?” (he was in his civilian clothes), and he said, “It is Gen. Chase.” “Oh,” I said, “that is Gen. Chase?” “Yes. We will go to the Adams Hotel.” “General, if you would, concede to me the right to go to the Oxford; I have been going there for years and know them all, and I don’t care to go to the Adams.” It was rather aristocratic and was out of my line, and I didn’t care to go there, and so we went to the Oxford, and he said, “We will come after you at 9 o’clock to go to the governor.”

“I think you had better put it off until 10; I want Mr. Hawkins to go with me,” and he said. “You don’t need him; the governor will treat you courteous,” and I said, “That is not the question involved; I want my attorney to go with me to the governor, and I won’t go unless he says go,” and he said “All right.”

They went away and left me, and I immediately went to the phone and called Mr. Hawkins, and Mr. Hawkins was not yet out of bed, and he said, “Is this you. Mother?” and I said, “Yes; they brought me in, but I don’t know what they are going to do with me.” And he said, “Who is with you?” and I said. “Nobody.” ” What did they say?” he said. I said, “They said they were coming after me at 9 o’clock, but I got them to postpone it until 10 o’clock.”

Mother with John Lawson and Horace Hawkins
“““““

Mr. Hawkins came down, and Mr. Lawson with him, and I told him the whole story, and he said, “They have kidnapped you. Mother.” I said, “I don’t know what they have done.” But he called the Adams Hotel and asked Gen. Chase what they had done with me, and he said, “She is turned loose; she is free.” But we went to see the governor. He says, “I didn’t send for you.” And I said, “Your colonel said you did. Somebody must be telling something that is untrue, either you or him.” Mr. Hawkins and he talked for a long time, and Mr. Lawson.I said, “Governor, I will tell you something; you don’t own this State, nor you don’t own Trinidad. I have broken no law; I have never in my life been in a police court or district court, and I am going back to Trinidad.” He said, “If anybody told me it was not the thing to do, I would not do it.” “If Washington took that advice we would be under King George the Third; if Lincoln took it, Grant never would have gone to Gettysburg.” I didn’t tell him just when I was going, but some newspaper men came around and wrote the matter up. I stayed at the hotel for a few days, and I said to Mr. Hawkins, “I have no use for a despot in this country; it was not founded on despotism; and I am going back to Trinidad.” And he said, “Do you feel able to, Mother?” And I said, “Yes; I feel able to.” “Very well,” said he;” when you get ready, you can go back.”

I openly got my ticket and went to the train and into the sleeper, and Reno, the C. & F. detective was right across the berth from me. My ticket was registered for Trinidad, and my sleeper also. When I got to Walsenlserg, before I got in there the military man called me. I let on I knew it was the military, but I didn’t undress at all that night, and he said. “You have to get up.” I said, “No; I am going to Trinidad.” “But we want you.” “Who are you?” “Oh, I am the military,” he said. “Oh,” I said, “all right; I will be with you.” I got up and went into the dressing room and combed my hair back and came back.

I was taken off of the train by the militia, and the train crew got a little excited; the engineer jumped down and came back and shook hands with me. and the conductor, and I said, “Boys, keep quiet; let this go.” We started off with the military, Mr. Brown, an organizer of the United Mine Workers, who happened to be with me on that train. I said to this young fellow, “Where are you going to take me?” He said, “To jail.” I said. “Where is the jail?” “In the cellar under the courthouse.”

I said, “All right. Is there a fireplace in it or a chimney there?” And he said, “I don’t know; do you want a fire?”‘ “I am not so particular about the fire, as having the chimney.” And he said. “What do you want the chimney for, and not the fire?” And I said, “I will tell you about that; I have a pigeon that I have trained, and it goes to Washington, and there is a new wireless invention around its neck, and every week he comes back from Washington, gets on top of the chimney and unwinds that message and sends it down to me.” He said, “Did he come when you were at the hospital?” And I said. “Yes; he came every week.” And he said, “They never found it out?” I said, “No; I am telling you that now.” Imagine an educated woman that raised a thing like that; imagine a State that put a belt full of bullets around his stomach; imagine the Nation that stands for such insults to the intelligence of the people.

Mother in the Cold Cellar Cell
at Walsenburg, Colorado
“““““

And so I was put in the cellar. It was cold, it was a horrible place, and they thought it would sicken me, but I concluded to stay in that cellar and fight them out. I had sewer rats that long every night to fight, and all I had was a beer bottle; I would get one rat, and another would run across the cellar at me. I fought the rats inside and out just alike. I was there 26 days, but one thing I have to say, the colonel that had charge of that, Col. Berdiker, came to me that morning and said. “Mother, I have never been placed in a position as painful as this; won’t you go to Denver? “I said, “No, Colonel. I will not.” He said—my breakfast came in, two spoonsful of black coffee and some dry bread, and he said, “Don’t eat that breakfast; I will send you some.” He sent me my meals all the time I was there; at least, he got the miners to do it He was very kind and did everything in the world that his officers would let him do; he had to obey orders, of course, but he was a man in every sense of the word.So I was there 26 days, and during the 26 days I never slept a night; I used to sleep some daytime. At the end of the 26 days the habeas corpus—the Supreme Court had notified the militia to deliver me in person to the Supreme Court, and they had to turn the militia loose before they could deliver me; before they could turn me loose. And so one morning the colonel said, “Mother, I have some good news for you; I don’t know that you will consider it good news, but the general has just telephoned to me that you are free.” I said, “No; I don’t consider that good news; I consider it a very dirty, contemptible way of doing business, Colonel; it is not the method I admire at all in a person in the general’s position.”

He said, “You can have transportation wherever you wish to go,” and I said, “You tell the general I never have taken any favor from the enemies of my class and I shall accept none from him; I shall transport myself wherever I wish to go, and if I don’t have the money to do so, I will walk.” And so the colonel shook hands and went away, and the boys came and got my valise and I went to Denver.

Then my attorney knew, of course, the habeas corpus business was turned over, and they sent me to Washington, to Congress.

Summer 1903-The March of the Mill Children

Mother Jones at start March of Mill Children,
June 1903
“““““

Mother Jones. Before I close I would like to ask the permission of the commission, the Child Labor Federal Commission that is here. I am more or less responsible for it. I was called to the strike of the textile workers in Philadelphia. I saw the little boys who had not seen their eleventh year with their hands off here [indicating]; their wrists, taken off from their wrists. I saw their fingers, and I saw those children maimed for life. I asked the reporters; I asked the children first, “Do you work in the mills?” “Yes.” “How old are yon?” “I am just a little over 10, Mother.” And so it went with boys and girls.I said to the reporters. “Why don’t you publish this and make comment on it?” And they showed me the advertisements, and said that they would be only too willing to, but that they didn’t dare. I concluded I would have to wake up the people of this Nation, and I went to work and organized some 6,000 or 7,000 children, many of them with their hands off. I telegraphed to the papers in New York to send me down reporters, feeling that the Philadelphia papers would not take any notice of it, and so the New York papers sent down the reporters.

I had those children in Independence Park; the police didn’t know that we were coming until we were down there. We had our banner, and I marched them to the business part of the city and the newspaper district. I had a table in front of the city hall. I put those children up there. There were 50,000 people at that meeting; the biggest gathering that ever assembled in Philadelphia in their history, they said. I showed them children with their hands off, a sacrifice on the altar of profit, giving to this Nation maimed and useless citizens.

I spoke to the ministers, and asked them if they were not carrying out Christ’s doctrine, suffer little children to come unto me, they are all that is pure and holy, and you say, “Suffer the little ones to go into the slave pens, and we will grind them into profit.” And that is what is done. They closed up; the New York papers and the Philadelphia papers got to fighting one another, and that was all I wanted when I can get those fellows to fight one another, I am all right. It was given publicity, and was discussed in the universities and colleges, and finally got quieted down, and I asked the parents to let me have the little boys, and they said, “Yes.”

I got 75 little boys; some with their fingers off and their hands off, and I said, “I am going to see the President and have a bill passed to prohibit the murder of children for profit.” I was only going 80 miles, but the children were so happy, and the agitation was so great; they never had had the sunshine or the grass before, and now they were bathing in the rivers, and the people were feeding them.

They had their little tincups and knapsacks, and were marching, and were having the finest time they had ever had, and the newspapers were hammering me, and the priests and ministers were hammering me, but I am alive yet. I am still here, hammering them, and so I marched them along until I got them in Jersey City.

I sent some one over to New York to ask the chief of police if he would give me protection for the children, and he was a military fellow, the commissioner, and the chief was away, and he said, “No; you can’t come into New York.” Well, I concluded I would show him whether I could or not, and I went over myself and asked him if he had any reason, and he said, “Yes”; but he would not give it to me. “Very well,” I said, “I will take it to the mayor.”

And Low was mayor of New York at that time. He evidently knew I was coming, because the usher said that the mayor would see me directly. I said, “All right.” In a few minutes the mayor came in, and I told him my business, and he said. “Mother Jones, I had to sustain the commissioner’s decision.” “Do you have to, mayor?” “Yes.” And I said, “I don’t see why New York pays an understrapper, if the other man does the business.” He just kind of looked down and said nothing. I said, “Mayor Low, have you a reason?” And he said, “Yes.” “You won’t object to giving it to me?” And he said, “No;” and I said, “Perhaps we can clear it up.”

The reason was, I was not a citizen of New York, nor neither were those children. “Is that your chief reason?” He said, “Yes.” “Well, I think I can clear that up. Mayor Low. I think we will straighten that out immediately. Some time last summer there came over here a piece of royalty from Germany, and the United States voted $45,000 to fill that fellow’s stomach for three weeks. And President Roosevelt hired a massage doctor to rub him down so he could get back. Was he a citizen of New York,” I says. “No,” he says, “he was not.”

“Did he ever create any wealth for this Nation?” “Well, no,” he said. And I says, “We did. Don’t I have the same right to come in here that he had?” He says, “Yes.” So I went in and I got my children all in, and we had a big meeting that night and the police took care of us, and the captain says, “Mother,” he says, “you need never go to the chief or the mayor or to anybody else when you want to come in; you come to me and it will be all right.”

So my children did have a meeting and we raised $3,000 or $4,000 or $5,000 for the strikers; and I took my children down and took them down to Boston Bay, and Boston came and took them children and showed them the elephants and everything; and they never had seen anything like it.

Now, the reporters were all going to Oyster Bay, and they blocked my job, and I wanted to see the President, so I telephoned Senator Platt to give me assistant; and he said, “All right, Mother.” And I went down. Well, you know this Oriental Hotel, and that is where the robbers of Wall Street go to roost through the summer. So I took the children and went down there, and I had my little band, and they had every place blockaded. You can’t step on that sacred ground without there is an officer after you. And I went to a section man, and I says, “How am I going to get in to them fellows?” He says, “I don’t know. You can’t go in at the door?” “Well, no; the thing is so guarded I can’t get in.” He says, “Well, I don’t know, Mother.”

“Well, I want to go in with these children, and I want breakfast.” And he says, “There is only one way to get in there, and that is through the saloon. And if the saloon keeper lets you in there, you can get in.” “Do you know him?” “Yes,” he said “I know him; yes.” “Well,” I says, “come on down with me, and I will get you a drink.” And you can always buy an Irishman a drink. And so we went to the saloon and went in, and I says to the saloon keeper, I says, “Can I go in to see them pirates to-day with these children?” And he says, “Yes.”

And so I took the children and went in, and the children had a little band, and so they sang, “Hail, hail, the gang’s all here.” Well, that bunch all got up and ran away and went upstairs; the men and women; and the hotel gave us our breakfast, and we all had good things, and the children had never had any such breakfast. The cook fixed it up. You know, he was a miner cook, and he fixed up everything; and the little ones went off happy.

Well, I went down to Oyster Bay, and the reporters didn’t know where I was going, and I got in and didn’t see no one of the secret-service men; and I thought I would go up and see President Roosevelt about having passed that bill; and when I got up to go there, he put secret-service men all the way from his house down to Oyster Bay to prevent the children coming up there. He had a lot of secret-service men watching an old woman and an army of children. You fellows do elect wonderful Presidents. The best thing you can do is to put a woman in the next time, and she will do it.

Mother Jones Questioned by Commissioner Weinstock

Mother Jones on “Law and Order”

Commissioner Weinstock. In your statement yesterday, among other things you told about the experiences you had, I think, in the vicinity of Greensburg.Mother Jones. Yes, Pennsylvania.

Commissioner Weinstock. And there was some one with you on a street car or a railroad car, and you wanted to get off?

Mother Jones. A street car.

Commissioner Weinstock. And the conductor refused to let you off?

Mother Jones. No; you have that wrong, Mr. Weinstock. The conductor never refused to let me off; it was the women and the babies. The judge had sentenced them to 30 days in jail. I would not let the women leave their babies behind, so they got on the street car, and when we got to a station there were three or four scabs got on the car, and the women were going to jail, and they had a certain resentment against those scabs because they go in and take their bread. Now, Mr. Weinstock remember we strikers are striking for a better condition for all, whether they are union men and women or nonunion; they are all workers anyhow; but they make the fight and they raise the wages of the nonunion mother as well as the union one. We are in a conference, you know.

So these women were a little irritated when they saw those scabs get on, and they gave me the babies, and I took the babies; I think I had four or five of them in my arms and another bunch of them around me, and they went and lampooned those scabs, and the scabs began to holler. There were two of the constabulary there, but they were nice boys and they didn’t meddle; I think they were a little leery of what was going to happen; and I would not let the street car motorman stop to let those men off until he got to a regular station. They were hollering, “Stop the car,” and the motorman got a little nervous, too., and I said, “Now, you don’t stop that car; it is against the law, and you must obey the law.”

Commissioner Weinstock. That is the point I wanted you to refresh my memory on. You called attention to the fact that they must obey and respect the law.
Mother Jones. Yes, the motorman; he had no right to stop the car there; it was an interurban car.

Commissioner Weinstock. I take it from that. Mother Jones, that you are an advocate of law and order and would insist on people obeying the law and respecting it?

Mother Jones. I certainly do, but when the law jumps all over my class and there is no law for my class, and it is only for the other fellow, then I want to educate my people so as to put my people on the bench….

Commissioner Weinstock. From what you have explained. Mother Jones, it is evident that some explanation is needed. There appears in the record of the congressional committee a copy of which I have here, setting forth a hearing before a subcommittee of the Committee on Mines and Mining of the House of Representatives, a statement attributed to you, which evidently is a mistake, and does you a grave injustice, and I think you should be afforded an opportunity at this hearing for the purposes of our record to correct it.

(This is entered here as Operators’ Exhibit No. 305, “Address made by Mother Jones, delivered before the convention in Trinidad, Colo., on Tuesday, the 16th day of September, 1913.”)

Among other things you are alleged to have said, speaking, I think, of some labor trouble in West Virginia:

Mother Jones in West Virginia
during Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike
of 1912-13
“““““

We told him we lived in America beneath the flag for which our fathers fought; that we lived in the United States, and we had a right and had a ground to fight on; and we asked the governor to abolish the Baldwin guards. That was the chief thing I was after, and I tell you the truth, because I knew when we cleaned them out other things would come with it.So I said in the article we will give the governor until 8 o’clock to-morrow evening to get rid of the Baldwin guards, and if he don’t do business we will do business. I called the committee, and I said, “Here, take this document and go into the governor’s office and present it to him. Now, don’t get on your knees; you don’t need to get on your knees: we have no kings in America; stand on both feet, with your heads erect, and present that document to the governor.” And they said. “Will we wait?” I said. “No. don’t wait, and don’t say, ‘your honor,'” said I, because few of those fellows have any honor and don’t know what it is.

When we adjourned the meeting and saw we were not going to get any help, I said, “We will protect ourselves and buy every gun in Charleston.” There was not a gun left in Charleston; and we did it openly, no underhanded business about it, for I don’t believe in it at all. We simply got our guns and ammunition and walked down to the camps, and the fight began.

Now, as one who believes in law and order and obeying the law, there must be some mistake, or you were misquoted, and this is an opportunity for you to correct it.Mother Jones. I am going to tell you about that. I made that speech, not in Trinidad, but on the steps of the statehouse in Charleston. The strike was not on very long—three or four months, I think three months—and I did so, and the governor stood there, and the whole statehouse administration was there. When I said, “We demand of the governor to abolish the Baldwin guards,” I did so; I don’t deny it. I don’t believe in any such brutal combination; they are a disgrace to our Nation; they violate every law; they teach the coming children to be lawbreakers, brutes, and murderers, and for that I am strictly opposed to those armies.

And I would say, Mr. Weinstock, that I would ask this Government and ask this commission to demand of Congress that she pass a bill that the Government take over all of those detective agencies and run them on an honorable basis.

I don’t believe—I have had more experience with those people than any other one person in America and I have never seen one of them hurt. I could have had all those deputies and sheriffs murdered that morning down at Half Way, in Utah, if I had just said one word to those men the night before, but that would not settle the disease; the disease still remained. The disease lies in the private ownership of my bread, and one class of men can say how much I shall eat and how much my children shall eat.

I stand for a better citizenship, and I stand for law and have stood for law, and in all my career it can be proven, the records of the courts, police and county, and everywhere can be searched, and there has never been a charge against me;

I am always in favor of obeying the law; but if the high-class burglar breaks the law and defies it, then I say we will have a law that will defend the Nation and our people,

for whenever a nation undertakes to crush her producers and to debase and dehumanize them, that nation is going over the breakers; it is the history of all nations down the stairway of time

In 50 years we have created more wealth than any other nation in the world has done in 700 years, and one group owns that wealth and the masses of people are impoverished.

I am for schools. I said to the governor of West Virginia, “If you had taken that $700,000 that you spent to crush my class, the miners, and put it into the schoolrooms of the State, and given to the Nation a more highly developed citizenship, morally, physically, and mentally, it would have been more valuable to the Nation.”

I saw the schooldoors closed on the children, and for many of them never to open again. Many of them had to go out and struggle for bread, and many were made criminals and idiots, and if that money, that $700,000 that was put into the militia, to crush my class, had been put into the schoolrooms we would have had less use for law.

Commissioner Weinstock. There is no change to be made in that statement?

Mother Jones. No; that can stay. I will tell you how that came to be put into the record. They had a little two-by-four lawyer in Charleston, and he made up a job with the coal company’s lawyer to run that in, so that he could get it on me, and the miners are paying him $7,500 a year for doing nothing, only incarcerating them, and I am going to put a stop to that thing.

Am I through? I am tired.

The Recommendations of Mother Jones

Commissioner Weinstock. You know the purposes that this commission is created for, Mother Jones—that is, that Congress expects this commission to come back to it with recommendations for remedial legislation. Now, if you were a member of the commission, Mother Jones, what would you recommend to Congress to remedy the condition that you complain of?Mother Jones. I will tell you, as I stated before we got to discussing this question, you and I, I was not an educated woman; I belong to the classes. I should recommend to Congress that they should do away with all of these arms and detective agencies, because they create crime. They are criminals.

The Death Special
Complete with Gunthugs
and Machine Gun
“““““

Commissioner Weinstock. That is, to do away with the gunmen?Mother Jones. And these detective agencies; let the Government run their agencies, and you will have less trouble, less crime, less penitentiary subjects, and you will have better manhood and better womanhood. I have a great deal to tell the commission, but it is unnecessary; but you see, Mr. Weinstock, we have spent years in the past, we are an infant in the history of nations yet, practically speaking. Now, we have spent our years following our birth inventing machinery, building railroads, telephones, telegraphs, and everything else, and we are reaching a stage where these inventions are taking the place of labor. There must be something done by the National Government to relieve this discontent, because we have armies of unemployed. Last Sunday I addressed a large meeting down here in Pennsylvania. It was the glass industry, where a thousand men were employed. The machine came in and threw the whole thousand of skilled mechanics out—10 men are doing the work of 1,000, and it is so in so many other industries.

Now, Mr. Weinstock, we had a Federal commission 15 years ago. I think Mr. O’Connell remembers that. That commission went through this Nation; it made some of the finest recommendations that could be made to Congress. Those recommendations lie up in the archives of this Nation, and I venture to say in the last 15 years not 12 Congressmen have read them. Now, you see, you had an investigation in Colorado; one whole year passed away, and two days before Congress closed they brought that up on the floor of the House. They had an investigation in Michigan that they never brought up at all. What good are the investigations if the public don’t know what is happening in the country?

My advice, and I give it to the workers when I speak to them is, when you send a man to the Senate or Congress or to the legislature, when he comes home have a platform at the depot, and make that representative tell you what he has done for the best interests of the Nation, and render an account of himself right then and there, and then you will not have so many Congressmen fighting for bills for the protection of 26 Broadway and other institutions like that.

Am I through?

Commissioner Weinstock. Your recommendation, then, briefly, is this-I want to make sure that I understand it thoroughly—that the remedy for industrial unrest would be to wipe out the detective agencies?

Mother Jones. That is only one step. Now, I believe in taking over the mines, Mr. Weinstock. They are mineral, and no operator, no coal company on the face of the earth made that coal. It is a mineral; it belongs to the Nation; it was there down the ages, and it belongs to every generation that comes along, and no set of men should be permitted to use that which is nature’s. It should be given to all of nature’s children in other nations.

Commissioner Weinstock. Then your remedy would be public ownership of the mines?

Mother Jones. All other industries, and then we can get the hours of labor down and put men to work. I also believe in the ownership of the transportation lines. I don’t want to put you out of a job, Mr. Aishton.

Chairman Walsh. We thank you, Mrs. Jones; and you will be excused permanently.

SOURCES

Industrial relations: final report and testimony
United States. Commission on Industrial Relations
-ed by Francis Patrick Walsh, Basil Maxwell Manly
D.C. Gov. Print. Office, 1916
Volume 11: https://books.google.com/…
10634-Washington, D. C., Friday, May 14, 1915—10 a. m.
Present: Chairman Walsh, Commissioners Garretson, Weinstock,
Lennon, O’Connell, Aishton, and Harriman.
Mother Jones-recalled
https://books.google.com/…

Mother Jones Speaks
-ed by Philip S Foner
NY, 1983
(The entire testimony of Mother Jones along with the
Mother Jones Statement & Exhibit can be found in this book.)
https://books.google.com/…

IMAGES
Mother Jones from the Great Bend (KS) Tribune
of Mar 6, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Mother Jones from Evening Public Ledger
of Philadelphia of Jan 22, 1915
http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/…
John Lawson, Mother Jones, Attorney Horace Hawkins
http://ludlowsymposium.wordpress.com/…
Mother Jones, Military Bastile,
Walsenburg Cellar Cell, Colorado, 1914
https://archive.org/…
Mother Jones at start March of Mill Children, June 1903
(search with Mother Jones, choose p.253)
http://books.google.com/…
Mother Jones with Strikers Children in West Virginia
http://digital.library.upenn.edu/…
The Death Special
https://www.du.edu/…

See also:

Written Statement of Mother Jones,
read by Mother into the record of the Commission:
https://books.google.com/…

Jones Exhibit
https://books.google.com/…

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The Spirit of Mother Jones – Andy Irvine

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Friday May 21, 1915
From the Appeal to Reason: “Preachers Fear Landlord’s Ire” by H. G. Creel

Hellraisers Journal: Socialist Preachers Forced to Stifle Themselves For Fear of Landlord’s Ire.

Definition of Socialism from the Socialist Party of Oklahoma:
Collective ownership and democratic management of things collectively used
and private ownership of things privately used.
“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““`
Friday May 21, 1915
From the Appeal to Reason: “Preachers Fear Landlord’s Ire” by H. G. Creel

In the latest edition of the Appeal, Comrade Creel continued his series on the investigation conducted by the Commission on Industrial Relations into the conditions of tenant farmers in Texas and Oklahoma. The hearings took place this past March in Dallas under the capable guidance of Chairman Frank P. Walsh. Creel described testimony from a Socialist preacher who stated that he must “stifle” the preaching of the Bible as he understands it, or risk raising the ire of the Landlord.Creel further reported how some of the witnesses were brought to tears by descriptions of the hardships endured by the women with small children, particularly the story of a woman struggling to care for a tiny baby as she picked cotton on her hands and knees, while dragging behind her her new-born on its improvised bed of cotton balls.

From the Appeal of May 15th:

Preachers Fear Landlord’s Ire
—–

BY H. G. CREEL

Staff Correspondent Appeal to Reason.

Herr Glessner Creel
“““““

“To land a man with plenty of force (a large family of children), who’ll get up early, work late and push a mule down the rows between times is the sole philosophy of southern landlordism,” declared W. T. Davis, witness before the United States industrial relations commission at Dallas.Davis is a farmer tenant of A. [J.] Tom Padgitt, the Coleman county (Texas) landlord who says he is capable of deciding weighty questions for an entire community and who announced that he would rent no more land to Socialists. Davis is now a small land owner. He told a vastly different story than either Padgitt or his overseer, Rieves. The former tenant declared that most of the people of the community were in hearty accord with Socialism and that because of its rapid growth the landlord and overseer decided to stamp it out. He told of preachers who joined the Socialist local on Padgitt’s place and related that he was the local Sunday school superintendent when he took out membership in the party. He declared that commissary prices were 50 per cent to 60 percent higher than elsewhere.

Country Preacher’s Position.The Rev. John C. Granberry followed Davis. Granberry is professor of sociology and economics at Southwestern University, Georgetown. He testified:

The country church and the country preacher are keys to the whole situation. I have been a rural preacher and I know what I’m talking about. The man who enters and remains in the rural ministry today is either a fool or a hero. The books he studies were written in a bygone age. They do not deal with present-day problems. But his Bible deals very definitely with matters of today. It teaches “The earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof.” It declares that land shall not be sold forever. It thunders against usury. It gives the preacher every encouragement to mount his pulpit and say “The Heavenly Father put oil in the earth for all of his children and you, Mr. Oil Monopolist, are only one of them.“But what’s going to happen if he does that? He’ll certainly lose his job. Whether he stifles himself and makes sure of a living for his family or says what his book teaches him to say and is kicked out he’s either a fool or a hero. I don’t know which.

[Continued below the fold.]

[Continued from above.]

The Big Land Graft.

Geo. W. Simon, social worker for Jewish Agricultural Society, supported by the Baron De Hirsh fund, told the commission that the south was a victim of Big Business. He declared that most southern land companies exist upon paper only and that most of those actually in business soon fail. He told of their successful efforts to lure northern people southward. He related many instances in which corporations purchase land at $5 and $6 an acre, subdivided into 10-acre tracts and sold to unsuspecting northerners at $40 to $50 an acre.Judge E. O. Meitzen of Hallettsville, Texas, produced cancelled notes signed by tenant farmers and originally held by Governor Ferguson of Texas. One note was for $10, the loan being secured by a bale of cotton. In case the borrower could not repay the $10 it was stipulated that Ferguson receive an extra dollar for his trouble in finding a buyer for the bale.

“Government Must Take Hold.”Professor of Economics L. H. Haney of the University of Texas produced figures showing that in 1914 more than half of the tenant farmers of Texas borrowed more than their incomes. He showed how this was gradually reducing a considerable number to peonage or actual slavery. He caused the commission to sit up when he remarked. “The share-cropper or the man who works on halves merely borrows his wages and pays interest on them. It is too late,” he continued, “to scruple about the niceties of the government taking part in things. No individual can do it and the state must take hold. The state should establish banks immediately.”

W. L. Thurman of Sulphur, Okla., a physician, told the commission he could duplicate the Stewart family by hundreds in Oklahoma. He was questioned closely about the effect of cotton picking on women, particularly expectant mothers or those with very young babies. He brought tears to the eyes of many women as he related how Oklahoma mothers, wives of tenant farmers, care for their babies at cotton picking time. “I have seen them,” he remarked, “with a babe but a few days old, pick a few pounds of cotton, make the child a pillow on the end of the cotton sack and then drag it up and down the rows as they worked on their hands and knees.”

Asks Socialist Definition.When Thurman concluded his testimony Mrs. J. Borden Harriman, member of the commission, leaned over and asked: “Did I understand you to say that you are a Socialist?”

“yes,” answered Thurman.

“Will you please tell us, briefly, what Socialism is?”

And then Thurman gave the sixteen-word definition of Socialism adopted by the party in Oklahoma-

Collective ownership and democratic management of things collectively used and private ownership of things privately used.

And so it was that when the commission closed its hearing that definition of Socialism became part of the record.[Photographs and emphasis added.]

~~~~~~~~~~

SOURCE
Appeal to Reason
(Girard, Kansas)
-May 15, 1915
http://www.newspapers.com/…

IMAGES
Appeal to Reason, banner
http://www.newspapers.com/…
Herr Glessner Creel
https://books.google.com/…
Tenant Farmer Plucked By Parasites,
from The Tenant Farmer, Oct 1914
http://gateway.okhistory.org/…
Socialist Party of America
http://www.marxisthistory.org/…

See also:

“Appeal to Reason on the Losing Fight Against Debt Bondage of Tenant Farmers”
by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

“Family of Tenant Farmers So Poor That They Are Offering to Give Children Away”
by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

“Landlords want tenant farmers with plenty of “force,” meaning little children.”
by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

“Texas Landlord Evicts Socialists Tenants as a “menace to God and humanity.”
by JayRaye
http://www.dailykos.com/…

Appeal Socialist Classics, No. 8
Socialism and the Farmer
-ed by W. J. Ghent
Girard, Kansas, 1916
https://archive.org/…

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Hungry Ragged Blues – Aunt Molly Jackson

Although written for the coal miners and their families, this song fits every worker every where who labors for poverty wages.